Re: Actualités diverses

[benoit77]

L'ombre des Poutlers dans le Monténégro afin d’éviter le rapprochement avec l'Otan :
http://apostrophe.ua/article/politics/2016-10-28/novyiy-skandal-s-rossiey-zachem-putinu-nujen-perevorot-v-chernogorii/8030

[Александр]

J'ai vu que la semaine passée, la Serbie avait expulsé des russes préparant un coup d'état au Montenegro justement.
Lié?

[Krispoluk]

J'ai vu que la semaine passée, la Serbie avait expulsé des russes préparant un coup d'état au Montenegro justement.
Lié?

Bien sûr ! La Russie ne supporte pas le virage pro-occidental du Monténégro. J'avais des amis russes autrefois qui étaient régulièrement invités chez des oligarques russes possédant des villas sur la côte monténégrine. Sans que cela se sache, le Monténégro devenait petit à petit une "néo-colonie" russe. Sans doute que le virage "Otanesque" du gouvernement actuel, vise à impliquer les services de renseignement occidentaux dans la prévention d'une opération style "Crimée" même s'il serait beaucoup plus difficile d'y amener des "petits hommes verts".

[Александр]

La réponse:

Is Russia planning “a new Donbas” in the Balkans?


"Russian-Serbian Humanitarian Center" near an airport in the town of Nis, Serbia. (AP Photo/Darko Vojinovic) 

A few weeks ago the Associated Press published a widely syndicated article about a Russian ‘spy base’ located near the airport adjacent to the second largest city in Serbia, Nis (Nish).
“In the command room there are large surveillance screens, in the warehouse rescue equipment; an unfinished gray concrete building serves as a training site. Is this a Russian-run disaster relief center in Serbia as Moscow claims, or is it an outpost for Kremlin spies in the heart of the Balkans?” asks the author.

As the article notes, some Western NGOs and military analysts say the Russians have established a thinly disguised military base in Serbia, which is engaged in spying on American military interests in the Balkans. One of the arguments in favor of this conclusion, the author contends, is the fact that relief centers for the victims of natural disasters in Russia traditionally fall under the auspices of the Ministry of Emergency Situations, “a powerful semi-military outfit whose activities do include disaster relief, but it also carries out jobs for Russia’s security services.”



In addition, the author admits that during his visit to the “Russian-Serbian humanitarian center,” he found very few visible signs that it’s being used for anything other than dealing with floods, forest fires or other natural disasters. In particular, on hand was only one ambulance, one SUV «Niva», some tents, rubber rafts and mostly firefighting equipment.
Commenting on this, political analyst and economist, director of the SEAS Foundation, Vencislav Buyich said in an interview with Krym Realii that, at the present time, most likely, the humanitarian center near Nis is being used primarily for its intended purpose, but that doesn’t mean that in the near future Russia’s “partners” won’t be able to convert it into a fully operational military base.

“I have already mentioned meeting Sergey Lushch from the pro-Kremlin organization “Rus’ molodaya” (Minsk) in Belgrade in the Spring. During that meeting he spoke quite openly about his plans to destabilize Serbia. In particular, Lushch said that he needs to have his own people in every Serbian city that has population over twenty thousand. The main task of these people and organizations is to gain the trust of the locals, mostly through active social work and land improvement projects. Lushch emphasized that these activists should never outwardly demonstrate their pro-Russian orientation, and definitely shouldn’t ever speak publicly against the pro-western development of the country,” says Buyich.

Buyish states that pro-Kremlin organization functionaries planned to prepare their own “sleeping agents” throughout Serbia, who, at a given moment, would be able begin anti-Western uprisings in all of their respective cities.

“The same principle is being used at the ‘Russian-Serbian humanitarian centre.’ Its main task, at least right now, is also gaining society’s trust. For example, if floods begin, or simply the water level is high, television would show harsh scenes of people drowning, homes with water up to their roofs. Then, miraculously, Russian rescuers show up all of a sudden! The next frame would then show how Russians risk their lives, bravely rescuing homes, people and animals. Such scenes would be shown on every pro-Russian channel in Serbia: Look how these brave heroes sent to us by the Kremlin. Subtitles would be added to make clear that such beneficial acts are the opposite of NATO, who bombed us and killed civilians. And then, when the circumstances were favorable, the Kremlin could send its army to that same ‘humanitarian’ base, which at that point would automatically obtain its military status, in full accordance with the Lushch plan. That won’t be hard to accomplish, considering that the base is now practically on the territory of  the Nis Airport. And, as soon as Russia’s “little green men” show up, Serbia can become a new “Donbas,” claims the Serbian expert.

Vencislav Buyich is making reference to the suggestions of some experts about where Moscow might start its next favorite “frozen conflict.” In Belarus, Armenia and Georgia, analysts are seriously concerned for the future of their country. Vencislav believes that his country is at no less in the risk than any of these other countries.


Gazprom’s Turkish Stream Route (Source: EurActive)

“There is evidence for this conclusion. First, Putin and Erdogan recently signed an agreement on the “Turkish stream,” which implies that Gazprom gas pipeline will pass through the territory of Greece, Macedonia, Serbia, on its way to Europe. That means that the Kremlin will try its best to have the pipeline not enter the territory of NATO countries, and it will try to control those countries through which it plans to carry out gas transit. Secondly, Putin has noticeably increased his intervention in the affairs of the independent countries of the Western Balkans. In particular, he supported the referendum in the Republic of Srpska (which is a part of Bosnia and Herzegovina)  in September 2016, which dramatically increased tensions in that region,” says Buyich.

At the same time, according to Vencislav Buyich, Serbian authorities are still not aware of the extent of the Russian threat, and are still heading in the direction of a conflict with NATO.
“Recently, NATO General Petr Pavel stated that the situation in the Balkans is far from stable, and as a result, the Alliance’s army is paying attention to the region.  He also noted that he is afraid not only of Islamic extremism, but also of Russia strengthening its influence in the Bosnia and Herzegovina region. General Pavel didn’t mention Serbia by name. However, Serbian President Tomislav Nikolich and Prime Minister Aleksandar Vuchich voiced opposition to the NATO Generals, stating boldly, ‘NATO should not threaten us.’ This means that they took negative remarks about Russia personally against themselves, and that’s a very alarming sign. Add to this the fact that a few days ago, while opening the General Consulate in St. Petersburg, Nikolich made a point of saying emphatically that ‘Serbia will forever be grateful to Russia and Putin.’ I believe those words are unacceptable about the country who would force the Serbs into a conflict with NATO,” notes Buyich.

Moreover, the expert warns that flirting with Moscow could end very badly for Serbia. We’ve already seen the results of this form of cooperation, in the ruined and war-torn region of Donbas in eastern Ukraine.



“The next three months will be dangerous for Serbia and for the Western Balkans in general. Putin has really pushed himself into a corner, and as a result, he is prepared to take dangerous steps. Moreover, if he starts a new frozen conflict in that region before the New Year, he will be determined to maintain instability as long as possible, simply because it is suitable for Moscow to have “The Turkish Stream” pipeline remain under its control for many years. That signifies a further decline of the Western Balkans and a constant source of conflict in Europe. For its own security, Serbia needs to join NATO as soon as possible,” concludes Buyich.

Translated by: Paula Chertok
Source: Krym Realii/RFERL

[Александр]

Fatalement:

Threat of ecological disaster hanging over eastern Ukraine


Smoke rises from the chemical plant in Avdiivka, eastern Ukraine, March 2, 2015 (AP photo)

Russian-backed forces do not allow conducting repairs at a number of chemical plants in Donbas
       

An ecological disaster is looming over the war-torn industrial heart of Ukraine as Donbas militants and their Russian commanders obstruct repair works at a number of plants.

Ukrainian members of the Joint Center for Ceasefire Control and Coordination (JCCC) warned about an impending catastrophe which could endanger lives of tens thousands of civilians on both sides of the contact line, unless repair crews are allowed at the key industrial objects.

"The restoration works have not been done for a long time due to absence of security guarantees from the ‘officials' of the uncontrolled part of Donetsk region as well as Russian representative of the JCCC,"  the press centre of the Anti-Terrorist Operation in eastern Ukraine said in a statement.

Read also Fierce attacks rock Avdiivka and areas near Mariupol

The most recent appeal for security guarantees was also rejected without giving any reasons, when repair crews were trying to reach Avdiivka Coke Plant and Krasnohorivka Refractory Plant – both heavily damaged in fighting.

Watch also Trapped on Ukraine's frontline: Life in one of Europe's biggest coking plants

Facing the same problems are a major chemical plant producing phenol in Novhorodske and Bakhmut Agrarian Union in Donetsk region, as a request for security assurances was left without any answer at all.

Ca fait un moment que j'aurai dû le poster:
Groïsman oeuvre à la réfection des routes. Il a d'ailleurs créé un fond spécial à ce sujet ce week-end.

C'est une de ses priorités:

http://www.microsofttranslator.com/BV.aspx?ref=IE8Activity&a=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.5.ua%2Fsuspilstvo%2Fhroisman-priorytet-uriadu-pobudova-vysokoiakisnykh-avtomobilnykh-dorih-129726.html%3Futm_source%3Ddlvr.it%26utm_medium%3Dtwitter%23

Plus léger:

Le film belge "Keeper" remporte son 18e prix international en Ukraine


"Keeper" de Guillaume Senez - DR

Le film belge "Keeper" de Guillaume Senez a remporté deux prix au Festival international Molodist à Kiev (Ukraine) samedi soir, à savoir le prix du meilleur long métrage et le prix œcuménique, annonce Wallonie Bruxelles Image. Le film a ainsi remporté 18 prix internationaux. Le 18 octobre, les actrices Catherine Salée et Laetitia Dosch avaient toutes deux raflé le prix du jury de la catégorie "meilleur second rôle féminin" au Festival Jean Carmet de Moulin (ex-aequo).

[Александр]

J'ai vu que la semaine passée, la Serbie avait expulsé des russes préparant un coup d'état au Montenegro justement.
Lié?

Bien sûr ! La Russie ne supporte pas le virage pro-occidental du Monténégro. J'avais des amis russes autrefois qui étaient régulièrement invités chez des oligarques russes possédant des villas sur la côte monténégrine. Sans que cela se sache, le Monténégro devenait petit à petit une "néo-colonie" russe. Sans doute que le virage "Otanesque" du gouvernement actuel, vise à impliquer les services de renseignement occidentaux dans la prévention d'une opération style "Crimée" même s'il serait beaucoup plus difficile d'y amener des "petits hommes verts".

Did Moscow Botch a Coup in Montenegro?

A murky tale of spycraft, diplomacy and intrigue in the Balkans suggests that Russia’s secret services are ratcheting up their efforts to an unprecedented degree.
On the day of Montenegro’s Parliamentary elections on October 16, a remarkable story emerged: Montenegrin security services had arrested some 20 Serbian nationals who were alleged to be preparing an attack on various state institutions that very evening, as the results were rolling in. Among those arrested was a retired Serbian general who was also the leader of a right-wing nationalist movement based in Novi Sad, almost 500 kilometers away in Serbia’s Vojvodina region.

The immediate reaction from Serbia was disbelief leavened with thinly-veiled contempt. Serbian Prime Minister Aleksandar Vucic demanded he be shown proof of the plot, and many in Montenegro’s opposition, who are in large part made up of Montenegro’s Serbian minority, claimed that Prime Minister Milorad Djukanovic’s security services had ginned up a false flag operation in order to help cement his victory.


Two days later, Montenegro’s special prosecutor Milivoje Katnic, insisted that he would be happy to share the evidence that his investigators had gathered, and that an “unprecedented massacre” had been prevented by the arrests. More details of the plot were revealed: The plan was for several individuals to enter the parliamentary building in the capital, Podgorica, wearing uniforms of Montenegro’s elite security services, and subdue the guards inside. They would then open fire on unarmed opposition supporters gathering outside the parliament awaiting election results. Finally, they would kidnap the Prime Minister, and either declare the election invalid, or somehow hope to throw it to the opposition.


By that point, Djukanovic’s ruling Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) had won a convincing plurality of the votes and was settling in for the negotiations necessary to cobble together a governing coalition. Western journalists by and large stopped paying attention. Crazy conspiracies are a fact of political life in the Balkans. And though there were reports of voting irregularities, DPS’s margin of victory more or less corresponded to pre-election polls. Nothing more to see here.


But the story was far from over.


This past Monday, the Serbian PM held another presser. Looking shaken, Vucic confirmed that there had in fact been a plot to assassinate Djukanovic. Another set of special forces uniforms and €120,000 in cash had been found in Serbia, Vucic said, and several other Serbian nationals had been arrested. He added that no politicians, in either Serbia or Montenegro, were involved in the planning, but rather he vaguely gestured at “foreign services, both from the West and from the East”, and said that those that have been arrested would be dealt with.


On Thursday, another bombshell landed: the daily newspaper Danas, citing highly-placed sources in the government, reported that Serbia had secretly expelled several Russian citizens in connection with the Montenegro plot. Furthermore, the paper reported that the Serbs arrested earlier had in their possession several devices allowing for encrypted communication, as well as some unspecified sophisticated technology used to continuously track the location of Djukanovic. Some of the arrested Serbs had reportedly fought on the Russian side in Donbas, in Ukraine.

It just so happened that Nikolai Patrushev, the former head of the FSB and the current head of Russia’s Security Council, had just arrived in Belgrade. Could his visit be linked to the expulsions of what appeared to be Russian agents? An almost-forgotten story about electoral intrigue in a small Balkan country of 600,000 all of a sudden involved its larger neighbor, and even implicated Russia in a plot with potentially global ramifications.


The Montenegrin elections were framed by the long-serving Djukanovic as a referendum on his decision to pursue further euroatlantic integration for his country. And the vote was more than just an attempt at getting a symbolic mandate: Montenegro completed its accession negotiations with NATO in May of this year, and now needs its own parliament to ratify the treaty. If the opposition had won, Montenegro’s NATO bid would have been dead in the water. (NATO member states are, in turn, expected to ratify Montenegro’s accession by Spring of next year.)

NATO’s calculus for admitting Montenegro, a state that is anything but a paragon of transparency and press freedom, is obvious: Albania and Croatia are already members, and admitting Montenegro de facto closes off the Adriatic to Russia’s military. Djukanovic, himself a problematic character who has clung to the levers of power for the better part of two decades, is alleged to have direct links to various smuggling rings and mafias that operate out of his country. Of course, as a defensive alliance, NATO is primarily concerned with reforms tied to aspirant countries’ armed forces, and here Montenegro appears to have made the required progress. Presumably, the thinking goes, the larger-frame corruption will be dealt with as the country strives to work its way into the EU. NATO accession for Montenegro, apart from serving immediate strategic interests, will also put the country on the path to eventual virtue.


For its part, Russia has been particularly irked by the country’s westward lurch, and especially its NATO aspirations. Its irritation has two facets—one broadly strategic and one broadly economic.


As far as strategy goes, Russia sees its competition with NATO in more zero-sum terms. Though Moscow has made no measurable progress in getting Montenegro to cooperate on security matters, NATO accession forecloses even the possibility of Russia having a friendly outlet on the Adriatic at some point in the future. This feels like a slap in the face to the Kremlin. And it blames the West for delivering it.


Montenegro’s westward drift also sets a kind of uncomfortable precedent for Russia’s best ally in the region, Serbia. Prime Minister Vucic has been playing a careful double game on this count, quietly telling Western audiences that he intends to steer his country their way, while publicly maintaining good relations with Moscow. Serbian public opinion remains icy on NATO and warm on Russia. But with time, the Kremlin is surely calculating, that could change.


Financial interests, too, play a role in Russian frustrations. The above-mentioned lack of transparency makes Montenegro an attractive destination for Russian money, much of which is of murky provenance to say the least. Many Russian expats have made summer homes for themselves in Montenegro—25 percent of all tourists to Montenegro are Russians, and by some estimates, Russian citizens own 40 percent of the real estate in the tiny Balkan country.


Oleg Deripaska, one of the richest men in Russia before the 2008 financial crisis and still a well-connected Kremlin insider, is an outsize player in Montenegro. The saga of Deripaska’s involvement with Montenegro’s aluminum smelter KAP is lengthy and full of intrigue. Djukanovic had personally negotiated with Deripaska over the initial privatization of KAP in 2005, and Deripaska’s En+ holding company is currently suing the government for around €700 million, a hefty chunk of the country’s $4.25 billion GDP. Beyond commodities, Russian capital totaling more than a hundred million dollars continues to flow in to the country every year, much of it into real estate or the development of massive hotel and casino complexes. Deripaska himself is a key investor in the Porto Montenegro marina project, which is being designed specifically to cater to the superyachts of the world’s mega-rich. Russian money accounts for about a third of the foreign direct investment flowing into Montenegro.


Djukanovic’s government appears to have concluded that being so tightly dependent on a single source of foreign capital is not a smart long-term development strategy. And while wealthy Russians have no problems continuing to park their money in both NATO and EU countries, a pivot westward for Montenegro does (eventually) mean increased scrutiny. It’s not an insurmountable problem by any means for Russia’s quasi-gangster elites, but the status quo is certainly preferable. And Russian foreign policy is always attentive to the needs of its kleptocrats.


Whatever its roots, the Kremlin has made no secret of its displeasure at Montenegro’s NATO pretensions. Russia’s Foreign Ministry called Montenegro’s accession an “openly confrontational step, fraught with further destabilizing consequences for the Euro-Atlantic security system.” Putin’s spokesman Dmitry Peskov was more direct and menacing: “Moscow has always said that the continued expansion of NATO, of NATO military infrastructure in the east, cannot but lead to a response from the east, that is from Russia,” he said.


According to polls trumpeted by Djukanovic’s government, support in Montenegro for NATO accession appears to have grown this year. Nevertheless, splits on ethnic lines persist: Ethnic Bosniaks and Albanians—small minorities—support entrance overwhelmingly, the majority ethnic Montenegrins grudgingly support accession, and ethnic Serbs are mostly opposed. Djukanovic has accused the Serbian opposition parties of taking Russian money, a charge which opposition leaders deny. At the same time, the opposition parties have unabashedly supported the Russian line on NATO, and have echoed the anti-Western and pro-Russian sentiments of the more nationalist politicians across the border in Serbia.


That Serbian irredentist forces in Montenegro would be cooperating with paramilitaries in Serbia proper barely raises an eyebrow for anyone even passingly acquainted with the Balkans. Similarly, that the Russians would be tempted to exploit ethnic divisions for their own ends should surprise no one at this point.


That Russia may have been plotting a coup against a country weighing its options on NATO accession, however, is a new and troubling development—if true.

But how likely is it that Russia was actually behind the failed coup? The available evidence, though circumstantial, is suggestive.


It’s well known that Russian intelligence services have operated with a fairly long leash in Serbia for some time now. Less well known is that the leash had started to fray recently. A colleague with intimate knowledge of the Balkans tells me Russian spies are aggressively tailing foreigners in and around Belgrade, using techniques until recently only visited upon diplomats in Moscow. While Prime Minister Vucic is not said to have authorized the new behavior, up until now he has done nothing to try to curb it either.


The true nature of Patrushev’s visit to Belgrade is at the heart of the matter. Serbian Interior Minister Nebojsa Stefanovic claimed that the trip was not a surprise—that it had been planned well in advance, and was a routine state visit for a high-ranking Russian official. The official reason for his trip, according to Stefanovic, was to discuss the signing of a proposed memorandum for security cooperation.


The most authoritative publication to dispute that claim, perhaps surprisingly, was the Russian business daily Kommersant, which reported that the true purpose of Patrushev’s “unexpected” visit was to “discuss the ‘Montenegro case'” and to “prevent the scandal from roiling Serbo-Russian relations”. Kommersant noted it was suspicious that Patrushev held separate closed-door meetings with Stefanovic, the Foreign Minister, the Prime Minister, and even the President, Tomislav Nikolic, over a proposed agreement that had already been discussed, and was in itself completely non-binding. Citing unnamed sources in Belgrade, Kommersant concluded that Patrushev’s intervention appears to have been successful.


How successful the intervention was—if it was an intervention in the first place!—remains to be seen. For example, while Stefanovic has been denying that any Russians were expelled, Vucic was more circumspect when pressed by media about the reports of expulsion, and their linkage to Montenegro. “Not everything in your question is correct, one part is false,” the PM answered gnomically, before adding he could not legally say more. The Russian Foreign Ministry, for its part, called the reports of Russian spies being declared persona non grata an “absolute fiction”.

Taken together, all the evidence is still inconclusive, and given the sensitivities involved, may stay that way. And like all stories having to do with spies, speculation can lead down endless rabbit-holes. However, one very recent development, which occurred as this piece was being written, is worth mentioning: yesterday evening, a large cache of weapons, including an RPG, several hand grenades, and ammunition for automatic weapons and a sniper rifle, were found in the woods near Prime Minister Vucic’s residence. The stash was located near a bend in the road, where the Prime Minister’s armored car would have had to slow down as it made its way to Belgrade’s center. Vucic was reportedly spirited away to a safe-house by his bodyguards, and is awaiting the results of the investigation into the incident.


So while the facts remain murky, something definitely appears to have happened. Vucic looked rattled at his press conference last Monday when he first revealed that the plot against Djukanovic was real, so perhaps he didn’t know exactly how much freelancing was going on within his country’s borders up until that point. He had certainly been tolerating Russian activities until then, and if Russian agents were in fact expelled this past week, it would indicate that he had concluded that things have gone too far. He may have realized in a blinding flash that his delicate dance, of edging Serbia ever closer to the West while publicly flirting with Russia, could have ended in catastrophe had there been bloodshed in Montenegro. Perhaps whatever power struggles Vucic’s moves have triggered have yet to play out fully in Serbia—violently, as is tradition.


But more broadly, if the story, as I’ve tried to reconstitute it, is true and the Russians were in fact involved in a failed coup against a sovereign country trying to align itself with the West, it should give pause to those pundits who still think that a workable equilibrium with the Kremlin is somehow attainable. At the Valdai conference this past week, Russian President Vladimir Putin indicated that he increasingly saw talking to Washington as pointless. With old spies running the Russian state, the conversation appears to be going back into the shadows, where these men are most comfortable.

BREAKING: Senator Reid confirms: #FBI has "explosive information about close ties and coordination" between Trump campaign & Russian Govt

[Krispoluk]

Ben oui, excellent article Matt !
Exactement ce que je savais par anticipation...
Des chiffres qui font peur : 40% du patrimoine immobilier du Monténégro aux mains des russes... No comment !
En confrontant nos connaissances et nos informations communes, on arrive à être à la pointe de l'actualité !
Autosatisfaction gratuite !

[Matt]

Moi ce qui m'inquiète plus c'est le second article prouvant une collusion entre le nigaud et le guébiste . . .

[benoit77]

Non sans blague !!  la Russie est une menace!  je n'y crois pas !!!

https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2016/oct/31/andrew-parker-increasingly-aggressive-russia-a-growing-threat-to-uk-says-mi5-head

[Matt]

Un peu partout les yeux s'ouvrent . . . enfin
Commence à être (plus que) temps.

[Александр]

L'Ukraine prévoit de lancer un nouveau service de trains de marchandises vers la Chine l'an prochain

KIEV, 1er novembre (Xinhua) -- L'Ukraine prévoit de lancer en 2017 un nouveau service de transport de marchandises entre le port d'Illichivsk, dans le sud-ouest du pays, et la Chine, via une route à la fois ferroviaire et maritime, la Route transcaspienne de transport international (TITR), a annoncé mardi le vice-ministre ukrainien des Infrastructures Viktor Dovgan.

"Nous espérons mettre en service deux ferries au début de l'année prochaine", a déclaré M. Dovgan, cité par le service de presse de l'Association portuaire ukrainienne.

Le principal défi de cette nouvelle ligne est son manque de compétitivité sur le marché global du transport de marchandises, a précisé M. Dovgan. Le coût actuel de transport d'un container par la TITR revient à quelque 6 000 dollars américains, alors que les voies de fret traditionnelles coûtent 30 % moins cher.

La partie ukrainienne est cependant prête à réduire les charges portuaires et à augmenter le nombre de ses opérateurs pour rendre ce service moins cher, a-t-il souligné.

En janvier, l'Ukraine a envoyé à titre d'essai un train de marchandises composé de 20 containers en Chine via la TITR, en traversant la Géorgie, l'Azerbaïdjan et le Kazakhstan.

La création d'un service régulier a cependant été reportée pour tenter de renforcer l'attractivité de la ligne pour les entreprises.

La colonie de Sheptetski en Abitibi : un village ukrainien disparu


50e anniversaire de mariage de Demytro Sup et Thérèsa Dunsza à Lac Castagnier, date inconnue              
Photo : Société d'histoire d'Amos / Fonds Yvon Lapalme


Des travailleurs miniers jusqu'aux prisonniers du camp Spirit Lake, les immigrants venus d'Europe de l'Est ont façonné les débuts de l'Abitibi. Fait peu connu, une colonie ukrainienne nommée Sheptetski s'est développée durant de nombreuses années au lac Castagnier, près d'Amos. Sébastien Tessier, archiviste à Bibliothèque et Archives nationales du Québec (BAnQ) à Rouyn-Noranda, a donné les détails sur cet endroit méconnu dans le cadre de sa chronique historique à l'émission Des matins en or.

Le père Josaphat Jean, grand artisan de la colonie

Le père Josaphat Jean et un groupe d'Ukrainiens devant le monastère de lac Castagnier vers 1935              
Photo : Société d'histoire d'Amos / Fonds Yvon Lapalme

La colonie de Sheptetski est avant tout l'idée du père Josaphat Jean. Natif de Rimouski, le père Jean s'est converti au rite ukrainien, voyant dans cette branche catholique la possibilité de jouer le rôle de missionnaire et de partir à l'aventure à travers le monde. Il a effectivement pratiqué pour l'Église catholique ukrainienne dans plusieurs pays du monde : en Ukraine, en Pologne, en Autriche, en Yougoslavie et au Canada.



Après avoir vécu la Première Guerre mondiale en Ukraine occidentale, il est engagé par le gouvernement ukrainien comme traducteur et secrétaire et travaille activement pour l'indépendance du pays. Il revient ensuite au Canada avec l'objectif de trouver un endroit pour créer une colonie et y établir des familles d'immigrants ukrainiens.

L'Abitibi sera la terre d'accueil

Groupe d'Ukrainiens devant la maison familiale Sup à Lac Castagnier vers 1937              
Photo : Société d'histoire d'Amos / Fonds Yvon Lapalme

Après avoir envisagé quelques endroits en Alberta, le père Jean choisit finalement de s'installer en Abitibi en raison de la proximité du chemin de fer, des possibilités d'emplois dans les mines, la forêt et la construction des routes, du climat salubre à 1100 pieds au-dessus du niveau de la mer et de l'espace disponible.



Dans un rapport envoyé au Métropolite Sheptytsky, le père Jean décrit la région. « J'ai visité moi-même le pays entre les lacs Obalski et Castagnier. J'y ai trouvé de bonnes terres. Les lacs sont pleins de poissons et les forêts pleines de lièvres et d'orignaux. Dans les montagnes environnantes, il y a de très importants gisements d'or et de cuivre. Je crois que l'Abitibi est pour le moment l'endroit le plus propice pour nos Ukrainiens dans le Canada... »



Suite à des discussions avec le gouvernement, on lui octroie une série de terres près du lac Castagnier, dans le secteur d'Amos. Ces lots devaient permettre l'établissement de 1500 familles. Et si le projet venait à connaître du succès, le gouvernement se disait alors prêt à offrir des terres afin d'accueillir jusqu'à 10 000 familles. Sur ces terres, un terrain est prévu pour la construction d'un monastère.



Durant l'année 1925, on annonce au père Jean que 50 familles ukrainiennes seront envoyées au Canada pour peupler la colonie. La colonie est baptisée Sheptetski en l'honneur du Métropolite Sheptytsky.

Un établissement plus difficile que prévu

Laurent Castonguay devant son camion, Lac Castagnier, date inconnue              
Photo : Société d'histoire d'Amos / Fonds Yvon Lapalme

Heureux de cette nouvelle, le père Jean entreprend les travaux d'aménagement du site et la construction de routes donnant accès à la colonie. Le lieu choisi est à la tête du lac Castagnier, à plus de 13 km de la route la plus proche, soit celle passant au village de La Morandière.



Mais l'arrivée des immigrants ne se déroule pas comme prévu. À cette époque, le département gouvernemental responsable de l'immigration modifie ses règles afin de favoriser les compagnies de chemin de fer. Le contingent ukrainien n'arrive donc pas comme prévu.



C'est plutôt en compagnie de gens de la région que le père Jean accomplit les premiers travaux de défrichement et la construction du camp en bois rond qui servira de première chapelle. Il doit même emprunter de l'argent à sa famille pour acheter de l'équipement.



Au mois de février 1926, on lui envoie du renfort d'Europe. Les trois religieux ukrainiens qui viennent lui prêter main-forte éprouvent des difficultés aux douanes. Une fois sur place, ils n'arrivent pas à s'habituer aux rigueurs du climat et de la vie dans la région. Ils retournent rapidement dans leur pays d'origine. Les autorités religieuses considèrent la colonie du Canada comme un échec.



Le père Jean n'a cependant pas dit son dernier mot. Il lance une campagne de recrutement dans les journaux ukrainiens du Canada et il réussit à attirer une trentaine de familles à l'apogée de la colonie.



Plusieurs installations sont construites, dont une école, un monastère, une bibliothèque, un musée et un bureau de poste.



Mais les conditions de vie extrêmes mènent le village à sa perte. Les Ukrainiens abandonnent lentement le village pour céder leur place aux Canadiens français. Le village adopte le nom officiel de Lac Castagnier. Quelques familles ukrainiennes y demeurent jusque dans les années 1970.



Aujourd'hui les seuls vestiges de la colonie sont les pierres tombales du cimetière qui arborent des noms ukrainiens.



Dans le cadre du 125e anniversaire de l'établissement des Ukrainiens au Canada, un drapeau de l'Ukraine a été hissé devant l'hôtel de ville du village de La Morandière à la mémoire des pionniers de la colonie de Sheptetski.

Funérailles de Thérèsa Dunsza-Sup à Lac Castagnier, 1947              
Photo : Société d'histoire d'Amos / Fonds Yvon Lapalme

D'après une chronique de Sébastien Tessier

Plus léger de l'Ile Maurice (pour Kris):

Gentlemen’s Club et gogo-girls : aucune poursuite envisagée



Le responsable du « Gentlemen’s club », à Flic-en-Flac, Popo Hazareesingh, les gogo-girls venant principalement d’Ukraine : Elmira Hasano, Anna Dubynka, Kryshyna Paniushkina, Alisa Tyvoniuk, Vika Lipinska, la DJ brésilienne Jessel Monique Lauriano et leur accompagnateur ukrainien, Olesandr Pasichiny, ne seront pas poursuivis par la police.

Le bureau du directeur des poursuites publiques a tranché et a soumis son rapport à la Western Division de la police criminelle, dirigée par le surintendant Bansoodeb.

Les protagonistes dans cette affaire faisaient l’objet d’une enquête, après une descente policière au Gentlemen’s Club dans la soirée du 30 septembre. Ils s’en sont sortis avec un avertissement de la police.

Les Ukrainiennes et leur accompagnateur faisaient l’objet d’une interdiction de quitter le pays. Elles ont pu finalement prendre l’avion, le jeudi 27 octobre, avec un sentiment de regret. « We don’t want to go home, we love Mauritus », ont-elles scandé dans le hall de l’aéroport Sir Seewoosagur Ramgoolam à Plaisance. Elles ont signifié leur intention de retourner à Maurice. « We love Mauritius and we’ll see you soon », ont-elles ajouté.

Lors de leur interrogatoire après leur arrestation par la Criminal Investigation Division de Flic-en-Flac, les gogo-girls avaient soutenu qu’elles étaient à Maurice pour faire du tourisme.
Après ce dénouement, Popo Hazareesing dit que la justice a triomphé. « Depuis le premier jour, j’avais confiance en la justice et aujourd’hui le public a vu que la vérité a triomphé », indique-t-il.

Même son de cloche du côté de Rouben Mooroongapillay, l’avocat qui a représenté les intérêts des protagonistes du Gentlemen’s Club dans cette affaire. « Le bon sens a prévalu au bureau du DPP », fait-il observer.

[Krispoluk]

Et merde, tiens ! Encore un de mes business à l'étranger qui part en c..... Va falloir que je trouve un nouveau point de chute aux girls maintenant !

[Александр]

Pas de bol hein!

[Krispoluk]

T'as de la place chez toi, Matt ? Avec la haute protection de Thuramir au parquet de Bruxelles on aura la paix... Faudra juste qu'il se fasse rémunèrer en "nature"... 

[Александр]

Ca en fera du monde à héberger.
Commence à comprendre les opposants aux réfugiés.

[Thuramir]

T'as de la place chez toi, Matt ? Avec la haute protection de Thuramir au parquet de Bruxelles on aura la paix... Faudra juste qu'il se fasse rémunèrer en "nature"... 

Ah mince ! Il faudra également recevoir l'accord de l'Office des étrangers. Cela va faire beaucoup de rémunérations en nature à satisfaire et cela requerra des places rapprochées pour ces malheureux fonctionnaires qui croulent sous le travail... Peut-être que Chris pourrait se charger d'obtenir quelques dizaines de tentes auprès de certaines ONG humanitaires soutenant les réfugiés en France. C'est pas cher, écologique (pas de pollution générée par des déplacements coûteux), et dans l'air du temps !  

[Krispoluk]

T'as de la place chez toi, Matt ? Avec la haute protection de Thuramir au parquet de Bruxelles on aura la paix... Faudra juste qu'il se fasse rémunèrer en "nature"... 

Ah mince ! Il faudra également recevoir l'accord de l'Office des étrangers. Cela va faire beaucoup de rémunérations en nature à satisfaire et cela requerra des places rapprochées pour ces malheureux fonctionnaires qui croulent sous le travail... Peut-être que Chris pourrait se charger d'obtenir quelques dizaines de tentes auprès de certaines ONG humanitaires soutenant les réfugiés en France. C'est pas cher, écologique (pas de pollution générée par des déplacements coûteux), et dans l'air du temps !  

Baiser sous la tente (ou sous la tante...) Non merci pour moi, faudra trouver autre chose les mecs, sinon je monte pas de business à Bruxelles moi... (ça y est, je pense qu'on va avoir encore Richard et Svoboda sur le dos...)

[Александр]

Pas besoin de tente, j'en ai deux.
Et comme je dispose de deux jardins, pas de soucis de "surpopulation", vous aurez chacun le votre.    

[Александр]

A propos du nouveau logo de l'intelligence de l'Ukraine qui irrite tant la Russie:

'Trolling lvl 800': Ukrainian Intel logo upsetting Kremlin, explained


Ukrainian Intel logo (by gur.mil.gov.ua)

Emblem appears to carry even more unequivocal allusions than noted by Russia   

The new emblem for the Ukrainian Military Intelligence which sparked an angry reaction in Russia means exactly what it seems, Ukrainian activists say.

Read also Moscow outraged by new logo of Ukraine's Defense Intelligence

In particular, the Ukrainian businessman and public figure Valery Pekar called the emblem "level 800 trolling" of aggressive Russia.

1. Russian intelligence motto - "Above us – only stars," Ukrainian – "Wise to rule the stars."
2. Symbol of the Russian intelligence – a bat, Ukrainian – an owl (guess who she eats).
3. Well, to be sure, the owl plunges the sword in the map Russia."


Putin visiting Russian military intel building, note the bat on the floor (via Sergey Bazanov / Facebook)

This emblem was known even before October 24^th when it was noted by Russia, and is seen in Ukrainian Intel promo videos, published year ago.



Besides owls, Internet users have paid attention to the logo of Counterintelligence Department of the Special Service of Ukraine (SBU). It depicts an eagle, overcoming the snake with two crowned bird's heads, similar to double-headed eagle on Russian coat of arms.


The logo of the Counterintelligence Department of the Special Service of Ukraine (via Oleksndr Argat / Facebook)

Also social media remind of a monument of Yuri the Dragon Fighter striking the double-headed serpent, which is installed near one of the SBU buildings in Kyiv. It is also used in different
Military Intel promo video.



Some users point out the detail, that these symbols depict the actual aim of Ukrainian Military Doctrine, which names Russia a main military opponent of Ukraine. 

Read also Have No Money And Feeling Down: Protesters in Russia detained for mocking Medvedev (photo)

[Krispoluk]

J'aime bien le logo du SBU avec sa légende et le serpent à 2 têtes couronnées : "l'aigle n'attrape pas les mouches"

Z'ont de l'imagination en Ukraine, hein ! On se demande où ils vont chercher tout ça...

[Александр]

En fait tout est "parlant" et est bien contre l'ennemi de l'Ukraine.

Je suis en admiration devant l'imagination et l'humour des ukrainiens. Rien de comparable aux russes.

[Александр]

Même la presse française en parle:

Le logo des renseignements ukrainiens a de quoi déplaire à Moscou

Ce blason multiplie les symboles anti-russes et entretient la rivalité entre les deux pays, alors qu'aucune porte de sortie n'a été trouvée lors du dernier sommet, à Berlin, le 19 octobre. 
                                

Les relations entre l'Ukraine et la Russie ne sont pas près de se réchauffer. La semaine passée, le président Petro Porochenko a présenté le nouveau chef de la direction des renseignements du ministère de la Défense (GUR-MOU), Vasyl Burba. Si l'événement a fait parler de lui, c'est moins pour la nomination que pour le logo des services de renseignements, affiché en grand derrière le chef de l'État.



Déjà visible dans une vidéo de 2015 du ministère, ce blason multiplie les symboles anti-russes :

• La Russie est coloriée et menacée par un glaive. De la CIA américaine à la DGSE française, en passant par le GRU russe, tous affichent un symbole international neutre.
  
• Le hibou : le choix du volatile n'est pas anodin. Le blason du GRU russe arbore une chauve-souris, animal dont l'un des prédateurs naturels est... le hibou.
  
• La devise : "sapiens dominabitur astris", locution latine signifiant "le sage dominera les astres", une pique envers celle de son homologue russe : "au-dessus de nous - que des étoiles".
  

(Crédits : capture d'écran Youtube/ministère de la Défense de l'Ukraine)





La chauve-souris, emblème des services de renseignements russes (GRU). (Crédits : Reuters/Itar Tass)

Réactions à Moscou

À Moscou, le message n'est pas passé inaperçu. Plusieurs officiels ont exprimé leur mécontentement rapporte Ukraine Today. Le vice-Premier ministre Dmitri Rogozine s'est notamment exprimé sur Twitter, où il qualifie le nouvel emblème d'"idiot" et a comparé l'annotation "Ukraine avant tout" au premier couplet de l'hymne national allemand ("Deutschland über alles"), communément associé à l'Allemagne nazie.



Sur les réseaux sociaux, l'emblème ukrainien a été décrié côté russe, certains l'ont assimilé à un personnage de dessin-animé, beaucoup se sont amusés à le détourner.

La résolution du conflit en panne

Ce blason symbolise l'affrontement direct entre les deux pays depuis le soulèvement de la place Maïdan et l'annexion de la Crimée par Moscou en mars 2014. L'Ukraine se déchire toujours entre pros et anti-Russes, l'ONU a recensé plus de 9.000 morts et 21.000 blessés depuis le début du conflit jusqu'en mars 2016.



Un premier cessez-le-feu est tenté le 5 septembre 2014, après la signature d'une trêve à Minsk (Bélarus) entre le pouvoir ukrainien et les rebelles pro-russes. Les combats reprennent rapidement. Engagés par François Hollande et Angela Merkel début 2015, les accords de Minsk 2 se sont également soldés par un échec.



Le 19 octobre dernier, Vladimir Poutine et Petro Porochenko sont invités à Berlin pour un nouveau sommet à l'initiative de la chancelière et du président français. Sans résultats, si ce n'est que les chefs d'État russes et ukrainiens se sont fixés l'objectif d'approuver une feuille de route d'ici la fin du mois de novembre.

[Александр]

FBI examining fake documents targeting Clinton campaign: sources


U.S. Democratic presidential nominee Hillary Clinton speaks about the FBI inquiry into her emails during a campaign rally in Daytona Beach, Florida, U.S. October 29, 2016. REUTERS/Brian Snyder

The FBI and U.S. intelligence agencies are examining faked documents aimed at discrediting the Hillary Clinton campaign as part of a broader investigation into what U.S. officials believe has been an attempt by Russia to disrupt the presidential election, people with knowledge of the matter said.

U.S. Senator Tom Carper, a Democrat on the Senate Homeland Security Committee, has referred one of the documents to the FBI for investigation on the grounds that his name and stationery were forged to appear authentic, some of the sources who had knowledge of that discussion said.


In the letter identified as fake, Carper is quoted as writing to Clinton, “We will not let you lose this election,” a person who saw the document told Reuters.


The fake Carper letter, which was described to Reuters, is one of several documents presented to the Federal Bureau of Investigation and the U.S. Department of Justice for review in recent weeks, the sources said.


A spokeswoman for Carper declined to comment.


As part of an investigation into suspected Russian hacking, FBI investigators have also asked Democratic Party officials to provide copies of other suspected faked documents that have been circulating along with emails and other legitimate documents taken in the hack, people involved in those conversations said.


A spokesman for the FBI confirmed the agency was “in receipt of a complaint about an alleged fake letter” related to the election but declined further comment. Others with knowledge of the matter said the FBI was also examining other fake documents that recently surfaced.


U.S. intelligence officials have warned privately that a campaign they believe is backed by the Russian government to undermine the credibility of the U.S. presidential election could move beyond the hacking of Democratic Party email systems. That could include posting fictional evidence of voter fraud or other disinformation in the run-up to voting on Nov. 8, U.S. officials have said.

Russian officials deny any such effort. 


In addition to the Carper letter, the FBI has also reviewed a seven-page electronic document that carries the logos of Democratic pollster Joel Benenson’s firm, the Benenson Strategy Group, and the Clinton Foundation, a person with knowledge of the matter said.


The document, identified as a fake by the Clinton campaign, claims poll ratings had plunged for Clinton and called for “severe strategy changes for November” that could include “staged civil unrest” and “radiological attack” with dirty bombs to disrupt the vote.


Like the Carper letter, it was not immediately clear where the fraudulent document had originated or how it had begun to circulate.   


On Oct. 20, Roger Stone, a former Trump aide and Republican operative, linked to a copy of the document on Twitter with the tag, “If this is real: OMG!!”


Benenson’s firm had no immediate comment. Craig Minassian, a spokesman for the Clinton Foundation, said the document was “fake.” He said he did not know if the FBI had examined it.

Stone did not respond to emails requesting comment.


A spokesman for the Clinton campaign, Glen Caplin, said the document was a fake and part of a “desperate stunt” to capitalize on the leak of Democratic emails by Wikileaks.  


The developments highlight the unusually prominent role U.S. law enforcement and intelligence agencies have played in a contentious election and an ongoing debate about how public they can or should be about their inquiries.


FBI Director James Comey, a Republican appointed by President Obama, touched off an outcry from Democrats last week when he alerted Congress that agents had found other emails that could be linked to an inquiry into Clinton’s use of a private email server when she was Secretary of State, effectively re-opening an investigation he had closed in July.

[Александр]

Former CIA chief: Trump is Russia`s “useful idiot” 

Donald Trump really does sound a lot like Vladimir Putin, according to The Washington Post.

There has always been a sympathetic authoritarian chord between the Republican presidential nominee and the Russian president. Both are on record as admiring The Strong Leader. They`ve even complimented one another on the trait. Putin could have been humming along when Trump was claiming ”I alone can fix it” during his acceptance speech at the Republican National Convention. Maybe he was, Michael V. Hayden, former director of the National Security Agency and the Central Intelligence Agency, wrote in his article in The Washington Post on November 3.

Each seems to have a pretty conspiratorial view of the world, too. Putin comes by his naturally. He`s a product of a KGB Marxist philosophy where ”the other” — any other — is reflexively identified as hostile and created by immutable forces of history, something to be feared and ultimately crushed.

Trump seems to view business a bit that way. At least I don`t recall a lot of win-win vocabulary when he touts his dealmaking skills.

At the political level, Trump sees quite a few powerful ”others” in the American electoral process: a corrupt media, international banks, unrestricted immigrants, a variety of globalists, free-traders and (at least some) Muslims. It`s a list Putin could second or, in some cases, jail or worse.

Sounding simultaneously populist and a little bit the conspiratorial Marxist, Trump has claimed that these unseen forces could rig the U.S. election. It`s a theme that Putin is happy to echo. Indeed, it`s a theme that his intelligence services are happy to actively propagate.

And in that case, the American presidential candidate routinely comes to the defense of his Russian soul mate. In the face of a high-confidence judgment of the U.S. intelligence community that Russia hacked the Democratic National Committee and then weaponized embarrassing emails to sow confusion here, the man who would be president has declared: ”Our country has no idea,” ”I don`t think anybody knows it was Russia that broke into the DNC. . . . It could also be lots of other people” and ”They always blame Russia.”

Rejecting a fact-based intelligence assessment — not because of compelling contrarian data, but because it is inconsistent with a preexisting worldview — that`s the stuff of ideological authoritarianism, not pragmatic democracy. And it is frightening.

Former acting CIA director Michael Morell says that Putin has cleverly recruited Trump as an unwitting agent of the Russian Federation. I`d prefer another term drawn from the arcana of the Soviet era: polezni durak. That`s the useful fool, some naif, manipulated by Moscow, secretly held in contempt, but whose blind support is happily accepted and exploited.

See also: U.S. intelligence investigates Russian ties of Trump advisor

[benoit77]

La rada s'entoure d'assistante de choix :

https://www.facebook.com/people/%D0%9D%D0%B0%D1%82%D0%B0%D0%BB%D1%8C%D1%8F-%D0%93%D0%BE%D1%80%D0%BE%D0%B4%D0%B5%D1%86/100014060889407

[Contenu sponsorisé]