L'invasion Russe en Ukraine

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Re: L'invasion Russe en Ukraine

Message  Александр le Lun 25 Jan - 14:11

Le soucis, c'est qu'ils ne peuvent plus dire qu'il n'y a pas de russes en Ukraine. Wink
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Re: L'invasion Russe en Ukraine

Message  Thuramir le Lun 25 Jan - 20:17

Le Conseil de l'Europe se penche sur la situation des droits de l'homme en Crimée. On attendra avec intérêt le rapport que ses membres visiteurs rédigeront.

Droits de l'Homme: le Conseil de l'Europe envoie une délégation en Crimée
 (Belga) Le Conseil de l'Europe a envoyé une délégation en Crimée pour évaluer la situation des droits de l'homme dans la péninsule ukrainienne, annexée par la Russie en mars 2014, a annoncé lundi l'organisation paneuropéenne.
« La mission sera conduite en toute indépendance et ne traitera pas des questions liées au statut territorial de la Crimée », a expliqué dans un communiqué le secrétaire général du Conseil de l'Europe, Thorbjørn Jagland, précisant que la délégation, qui doit arriver sur place ce lundi, se pencherait sur tous les sujets touchant les droits de l'homme, de la liberté d'expression et d'association aux droits des minorités et aux conditions d'emprisonnement.
« Depuis plus d'un an, aucune délégation d'une organisation internationale n'a pu se rendre sur place », a souligné M. Jagland.
« Plus de 2,5 millions de personnes vivent en Crimée. Elles sont toutes couvertes par la Convention européenne des droits de l'homme et devraient pouvoir en bénéficier », a-t-il encore pointé.
La délégation, menée par le diplomate suisse Gérard Stoudmann, assisté de trois membres du secrétariat du Conseil de l'Europe, soumettra un rapport et des recommandations au secrétariat général du Conseil de l'Europe en février ou mars prochain.
La Russie a annexé la Crimée en mars 2014, à la suite d'un référendum contesté, en plein conflit entre Moscou et les pro-occidentaux arrivés au pouvoir à Kiev.
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Re: L'invasion Russe en Ukraine

Message  Caduce62 le Lun 25 Jan - 20:24

En tout cas, la situation dans les territoires occupés par l'armée russe est identique à l'occupation nazie Evil or Very Mad
Mon épouse a reçu un coup de téléphone de sa tante "séparatiste" habitant Donetsk : son petit cousin de 14 ans a été sauvagement battu par des individus armés en allant à l'école. Trauma crânien avec fracture du nez, fracture d'un bras et contusion multiples Twisted Evil

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Re: L'invasion Russe en Ukraine

Message  Krispoluk le Lun 25 Jan - 23:08

Thuramir a écrit:Le Conseil de l'Europe se penche sur la situation des droits de l'homme en Crimée. On attendra avec intérêt le rapport que ses membres visiteurs rédigeront.

Droits de l'Homme: le Conseil de l'Europe envoie une délégation en Crimée
 (Belga) Le Conseil de l'Europe a envoyé une délégation en Crimée pour évaluer la situation des droits de l'homme dans la péninsule ukrainienne, annexée par la Russie en mars 2014, a annoncé lundi l'organisation paneuropéenne.
« La mission sera conduite en toute indépendance et ne traitera pas des questions liées au statut territorial de la Crimée », a expliqué dans un communiqué le secrétaire général du Conseil de l'Europe, Thorbjørn Jagland, précisant que la délégation, qui doit arriver sur place ce lundi, se pencherait sur tous les sujets touchant les droits de l'homme, de la liberté d'expression et d'association aux droits des minorités et aux conditions d'emprisonnement.
« Depuis plus d'un an, aucune délégation d'une organisation internationale n'a pu se rendre sur place », a souligné M. Jagland.
« Plus de 2,5 millions de personnes vivent en Crimée. Elles sont toutes couvertes par la Convention européenne des droits de l'homme et devraient pouvoir en bénéficier », a-t-il encore pointé.
La délégation, menée par le diplomate suisse Gérard Stoudmann, assisté de trois membres du secrétariat du Conseil de l'Europe, soumettra un rapport et des recommandations au secrétariat général du Conseil de l'Europe en février ou mars prochain.
La Russie a annexé la Crimée en mars 2014, à la suite d'un référendum contesté, en plein conflit entre Moscou et les pro-occidentaux arrivés au pouvoir à Kiev.

On leur souhaite bon courage d'avance... On, attend avec impatience le rapport (qu'il leur sera permis d'écrire)...
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Re: L'invasion Russe en Ukraine

Message  Александр le Mar 26 Jan - 8:45

Bah, ils vont le faire leur rapport et après?
La Russie s'en tape de toutes façons . . .
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Re: L'invasion Russe en Ukraine

Message  benoit77 le Mar 26 Jan - 9:50

Si on en avait , les doutes sont bien levés : Poutine se veut être de la lignée des grands saigneurs de Russie.

http://www.lexpress.fr/actualite/monde/europe/vladimir-poutine-rouge-devant-l-eternel_1757245.html
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Re: L'invasion Russe en Ukraine

Message  Александр le Mar 26 Jan - 10:11

Il est bien connu que le guébiste considère la chute de l'URSS comme la plus grande catastrophe géopolitique.
De là, cet article ne fait qu'apporter de l'eau au moulin.

Le rapport du jours de l'OSCE.

Il y aurait encore 34 Thousand Militants Remain In Occupied Donbas

According to the Intelligence of the Ministry of Defence of Ukraine, 34 thousand militants still remain in occupied territories of Donetsk and Luhansk regions. 
            
This was reported by the Main directorate of intelligence of the Ministry of Defence of Ukraine, reports ‘Gazeta.ua’.

According to the report, almost all the terrorist military units are headed by servicemen of Russian Armed Forces.

Besides, as the Intelligence reported, echelons carrying hardware (up to 152-mm artillery), fuel and lubrication materials, and ammunition arrived to stations in Illovaysk and Hartsyzk.

As SSU previously reported, 8,5 thousand Russian regular soldiers remain in Donbas.

L'Europe en remet une couche sur le guébiste:

Newly Elected PACE President Calls On Russia To Return Donbas And Savchenko.

Newly elected President of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE), Pedro Agramunt, has called on the Russian Federation to stop backing separatists in Donbas, return control over the occupied territories to Ukraine and release Ukrainian pilot Nadiia Savchenko. 
            
Agramunt said this during his first speech as PACE president at the Winter Session in Strasburg, reports ‘Ukrinform’.

“Russia is still supporting separatists in eastern Ukraine. It should do everything possible to return these territories to Ukraine’s control. It is necessary to release Savchenko,” the PACE president said.

According to him, the situation in Ukraine still raises concerns and remains dangerous.

“Separatist-controlled territories are remaining the place where mass human rights violations are taking place,” Agramunt said.

As previously reported, Russia will not be allowed to participate in PACE sessions until autumn.

Et donc le lien:

Russia Will Not Be Allowed To Participate In PACE Sessions Until Autumn

PACE Bureau supported the proposition made by the President of the Assembly Anne Brasseur to deprive Russian delegation of the right to participate in PACE sessions until elections of its members in autumn. 
            
She made this statement during the last press conference in Strasbourg, reports ‘Ukrinform’.

According to her, Russia will not be able to form its delegation in the course of the year; only after the new elections to the State Duma are held.

Besides, the President of the Assembly claims the statement made by Russian delegator to PACE Kosachov to have no legal ground.

“Kosachov considers my reaction to be based on emotions because I am a woman. Still, the question is about rules, not emotions. Juridically, the session begins in January and continues until the end of the year, while the composition of the delegation is to be approved until the beginning of the session. PACE Bureau agrees with this opinion”, said Brasseur.

As previously reported, Russian delegation to PACE will miss winter session because of revocation of authorities it has faced in relation to Russian aggression in Ukraine.

Comme il a déjà été dit, la guerre était programmée à l'avance, mais je ne savait pas que depuis si longtemps:

How Alexander Dugin’s Neo-Eurasianists geared up for the Russian-Ukrainian war in 2005-2013


Activists of the Donetsk Republic and Eurasian Youth Union took part in the Seliger educational forum organised by the Russian “Nashi” movement. 

L'article est trop long . . . Crying or Very sad
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Re: L'invasion Russe en Ukraine

Message  Александр le Mar 26 Jan - 10:12

The Neo-Eurasianist perspective on Ukraine was formed already in the 1990s, when Russian fascist Alexander Dugin argued, in his Foundations of Geopolitics, that Ukraine was “an unnatural state” consisting of four major regions with allegedly different geopolitical loyalties, and that a sovereign and united Ukraine constituted a major threat to the geopolitical security of Russia and the envisioned Eurasian Empire.

Dugin specified the means for neutralising the “Ukrainian threat to Russia” in 2009 in his book The Fourth Political Theory. In particular, he argued that “extending Russian influence on the post-Soviet space” would not necessarily imply “direct colonisation in the old tradition”: “in our world, more sophisticated and efficient network technologies are developed that allow to achieve the same results with the different means – with the use of information resources, social organisations, faith-based groups, and social movements”.  However, Russia’s direct action was also possible:
It cannot be excluded that a battle for Crimea and Eastern Ukraine awaits us.
Only a short time ago, the most hot-headed among the Russian hawks presumed only an internal conflict in Ukraine, as well as political, economic and energy pressure [on Ukraine] from the Russian side, but now a possibility of a direct military clash no longer appears unrealistic.
Alexander Dugin and his Neo-Eurasianist followers in the Russian-Georgian war, August 2008

Although Dugin conceptualised the need of dismantling Ukraine as a sovereign state through non-military measures (or a combination of non-military and military resources, which can be defined as hybrid warfare) in 2009, his Neo-Eurasianist movement became involved in the non-military measures aimed at undermining Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity already in 2005.

The timing was determined by the “Orange revolution” in Ukraine – a series of mass protests against the fraudulent “victory” of Ukraine’s corrupt, pro-Russian Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych in the 2004 presidential election. The success of the “Orange revolution”, which had led to the second run-off of the presidential election in which Yanukovych’s contender, pro-Western Viktor Yushchenko, won, seemed to have scared Russia’s President Vladimir Putin and the Russian ruling elites. They feared that a similar protest could take place in Russia and put an end to Putin’s regime. The significant contribution of young, active Ukrainians to the success of the “Orange revolution” prompted the Russian establishment to launch a preemptive defence force by reviving, mobilising and consolidating a pro-regime youth movement. In order to counter the largely imaginary threat of a “colour revolution” in Russia, the authorities sanctioned the creation of several “patriotic” youth movements: “Nashi” (Ours), “Rossiya molodaya” (Young Russia), “Molodaya gvardiya” (Young Guard), and some others. One of those movements wasEvraziyskiy soyuz molodezhi (Eurasian Youth Union, ESM) – under the leadership of Pavel Zarifullin and Valeriy Korovin – a National Bolshevik youth wing of Dugin’s Mezhdunarodnoe evraziyskoe dvizhenie (International Eurasianist Movement, MED). It is unclear who funded the ESM from 2005, but an analysis of the Russia-based Centre of Economic and Political Reforms shows that the ESM received several presidential grants amounting to more than 18.5 million Russian rubles in 2013-2014.

The ESM was active not only in Russia, but also in other countries, including Ukraine. During 2005-2007, branches of the ESM were established in the Ukrainian cities of Kyiv, Kharkiv, Sumy, Sevastopol and some others. These branches cooperated with the Ukrainian cells of the Natsional-Bol’shevistskaya Partiya (National-Bolshevik Party), as well as with Ukrainian far right parties such as the Rus’ky blok (Russian bloc), the misleadingly named Prohresyvna sotsialistychna partiya Ukrainy (Progressive Socialist Party of Ukraine, PSPU) led by Natalya Vitrenko, and “Bratstvo” (Brotherhood) headed by Dmytro Korchynsky. Both Vitrenko and Korchynsky were members of the Highest Council of Dugin’s MED.

The Ukrainian branches of the ESM remained on the margins of the Ukrainian political life, while most of its activities were limited to anti-NATO protests and other similar anti-Western actions, and did not produce any significant result in terms of undermining the Ukrainian state. Moreover, some of the Ukrainian members of the ESM did not share the radical anti-Ukrainian ideas of Neo-Eurasianism. For example, after two Russian members of the movement and one Ukrainian activist of the ESM vandalised Ukrainian state symbols on the Hoverla mountain in 2007, this led to the split in the Ukrainian ESM, as many did not support this act of vandalism. This also led to the termination of any cooperation between the ESM and “Bratstvo”, and Korchynsky left the Highest Council of the MED. The radicals, however, welcomed the act and were outspoken in their resentment of Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. One ESM activist from the Crimean town of Bakhchisaray, Kostyantyn Knyrik, made no secret of the anti-Ukrainian agenda of Neo-Eurasianism: “Our foremost priority is to focus on the creation of the empire; the first goal is to break Crimea away from Ukraine. To join it to the empire first”. Because of the anti-Ukrainian thrust of Neo-Eurasianism and the Hoverla mountain incident, the leader of the ESM, Pavel Zarifullin, and Dugin himself were banned from entering Ukraine in 2006 and 2007 correspondingly.

The Neo-Eurasianist movement largely disappeared from Ukraine by 2008, due to the 2007 split and the measures against the ESM on the part of the Sluzhba bezpeky Ukrainy (Security Service of Ukraine, SBU). Some activists left the movement for ideological reasons, some moved to Russia to continue their anti-Ukrainian work outside the country itself, some joined other pro-Russian organisations, and some abandoned political involvement whatsoever. The minority stayed in the movement, but was hardly visible until the beginning of the Russian-Ukrainian war in 2014.

However, Russian Neo-Eurasianists were more successful in cooperating directly with a number of pro-Russian organisations in Ukraine. One of these organisations was the above-mentioned PSPU led by Vitrenko who, at that time, could be described as “the premier representative of radical anti-Westernism in Ukraine”. Vitrenko often took part in various conferences featuring either Dugin or other members of his Neo-Eurasianist movement. Dugin called her “a charismatic politician […] advocating Eurasianist Slavic views” and “a leader of the pan-Ukrainian resistance [to the US]”.

Vitrenko’s political narrative consisted of three main points. First, she promoted the idea of creating a political union of Ukraine, Russia and Belarus. Second, she rejected any form of Ukraine’s rapprochement with the EU and the US – the West in general. Third, she labelled all advocates of Ukraine’s independence as Ukrainian ultranationalists or even Nazis. She freely substituted “NATO” with “Nazism” (and vice versa) in her political speeches, attempting to create a strong association between Nazism and the West in general, and – appealing to the Soviet mythology of the “Great Patriotic War” – portrayed a struggle between the “fascist” West and “anti-fascist” Russia.

Yet another pro-Russian organisation that Dugin’s Neo-Eurasianists cooperated with in Ukraine was the “Donetskaya Respublika” (Donetsk Republic, DR). This organisation was created in summer 2005 by Andriy Purgin, Oleksandr Tsurkan and Oleh Frolov, as a response to the “Orange revolution” and presidency of Viktor Yushchenko who advocated pro-Western foreign policy of Ukraine. The DR was officially registered in December that year, but already in autumn leaders of the organisation took part in the protest demonstration in Kyiv together with the activists of the ESM.

For the DR, the cooperation with the ESM was apparently the most important organisational link with Russia. In August 2006, the DR’s leaders, namely Purgin and Frolov, as well asKnyrik and several other Ukrainian ESM activists, went to a summer camp in Russia organised by the ESM. Vitrenko and Oleksandr Svistunov, the leader of the Rus’ky blok, also took part in the camp where they delivered lectures to the participants. Apart from lectures, seminars and social activities, the participants of the camp were engaged in training in violent street protests. One of the trainers was Oleh Bakhtiyarov who had beenDugin’s associate since the 1990s and lived in Kyiv where he was close to the local branch of the ESM.
At the ESM camp: (Andriy Purgin, Oleh Frolov, Oleh Bakhtiyarov, Kostyantyn Knyrik), summer 2006, Russia
At the ESM camp: Oleh Frolov, Pavel Zarifullin, summer 2006, Russia

In November 2006, DR and ESM activists collected signatures to hold a referendum on the independence of the “Donetsk republic”. The referendum never took place, but the SBU and police took notice of the group, and cases were brought against the leaders of the DR under three articles of the Ukrainian Criminal Code: (1) “Actions aimed at the forcible change or overthrow of the constitutional order or the seizure of state power”, (2) “Infringement on the territorial integrity and inviolability of Ukraine”, and (3) “Violation of citizens’ equality based on their race, nationality or attitude to religion”. The criminal cases hindered the process of building the DR as a functional structure; in 2007, a Ukrainian court outlawed the DR, and it went underground.
Collecting signatures to hold a referendum on the independence of the “Donetsk republic”, Donetsk, November 2006. Oleksandr Tsurkan on the left.
Collecting signatures to hold a referendum on the independence of the “Donetsk republic”, Donetsk, November 2006. Andriy Purgin in the centre
Neither the persecution nor banning of the DR, however, stymied its activities. In 2008, the DR, together with several other pro-Russian organisations, held a convention featuring Pavel Kanishchev, one of the leaders of the Moscow branch of the ESM, and Knyrik as the leader of the ESM’s Crimean cell. The convention declared the creation of the Donetsk Federal Republic. Its declaration also referred to a resolution of the “convention of popular representatives of South-Eastern Ukraine” that, in particular, renounced the existence of the Ukrainian nation, arguing that:
[The congress] considers the totally forced Ukrainisation of South-East [of Ukraine] as a form of humanitarian genocide aimed at the destruction of the indigenous Russian population (russkie), replacement of Russian concepts by the “Ukrainian” ones. Considers as a humanitarian crime against the Super-Ethnos of the Russians (Russy) the artificially created community “Ukrainian nation” that does not exist as such and divides the single people into “Ukrainians” and “Russians” (rossiyane). The primordial people of the Rus is the Russian (russkiy) people as an indivisible foundation of the Great Russian Race.
The resolution also demanded from the Ukrainian parliament to adopt a “law on the federal structure of Ukraine” through the change of the Constitution of Ukraine.
In 2009, the DR declared the “state sovereignty of the Donetsk Federal Republic” that would unite the territories of six Ukrainian south-eastern oblasts: Donets’ka, Dnipropetrovs’ka, Zaporiz’ka, Luhans’ka, Kharkivs’ka, and Khersons’ka. The same year, they organised a camp where members of the DR trained in using firearms and making Molotov cocktails.

Oleh Frolov at the DR training camp, 2009

At the DR training camp, 2009
At the DR training camp, 2009
The DR largely curtailed their activities in 2010. One possible explanation is that deaths of three activists of the DR including Tsurkan – the DR believed that the SBU poisoned them with mercury vapour – might have delivered a blow to the organisation. A more feasible explanation, however, is that the DR’s activities aimed at destabilising the Ukrainian state were no longer necessary after pro-Russian politician Viktor Yanukovych was elected President of Ukraine in February 2010, and another pro-Russian politician, Mykola Azarov, became Prime Minister. The DR, which sometimes cooperated with Yanukovych’s Partiya rehioniv (Party of Regions) – Tsurkan worked in Yanukovych’s electoral campaign office in 2004 – apparently felt that it did not need to attack Ukraine’s sovereignty as long as the country was ruled by the pro-Russian forces.

The relation between the reduced activities of the DR and the outcome of the 2010 presidential elections may also explain why the DR resumed its activities and extensive cooperation with the ESM in 2012. This was the year of parliamentary elections in Ukraine, and the pro-Russian forces struggled to retain their power in the parliament, and, thus, undermine the national-democratic pro-Western forces. At that time, Yanukovych’s allies adopted “anti-fascist” rhetoric attacking the Ukrainian far right Svoboda (Freedom) party. Since Svoboda also cooperated with the Ukrainian national-democrats, two “anti-fascist” organisations, Russia-based “World without Nazism” and the “International Antifascist Front” founded by Yanukovych’s major ally Vadym Kolesnychenko, mobilised against the entire national-democratic opposition to Yanukovych trying to discredit it as “fascist”. TheDR, with its insistence on the dangers of Ukrainian pro-Western “fascism”, fit well into the campaign against the opposition to Yanukovych.

There was another important factor that contributed to the reinvigorated activities of theDR in 2012. It was also the time of heated debates on the direction of Ukraine’s foreign policy. Russia developed its Eurasian Customs Union (ECU) and wanted Ukraine to be part of it. The second option for Ukraine was the Association Agreement with the EU. Even the oligarchic community close to Yanukovych seemed to be divided on the foreign policy issue: some supported the idea of Ukraine joining the ECU; others clearly favoured the rapprochement with the EU and the West in general. It seems viable to suggest both Moscow and Ukrainian oligarchs promoting the integration into the ECU contributed to the mobilisation of the radically anti-Western DR in 2012 as leverage on Yanukovych.

Hence, the idea of the integration into the ECU dominated the contacts between the DR and ESM, as well as between other Ukrainian pro-Russian and Russian organisations, in 2012. On 18 February 2012, activists of the DR and ESM took part in a small roundtable “The Future of Donbas” in Luhansk. Around 20 Russian and pro-Russian participants adopted a resolution that, in particular, argued that “the ultimate aim of the relations between [Russia and Ukraine] had to be a transition from the regional integration to the building of a new form of the interstate integration” – the Eurasian Union as the next step in the development of the ECU.
“The Future of Donbas”, Luhansk, 18 February 2012

On 11 March 2012, representatives of various Russian and Ukrainian organisations held a roundtable “Ukraine and Donbas for the Eurasian Union” in the Russian city of Rostov-on-Don to discuss the creation of the Eurasian Union. This conference featured DR’s Purgin, the leader of Moscow’s ESM Andrey Kovalenko, and Serhiy Baryshnikov, associate professor at the Donetsk National University who was known for promoting Dugin’s books and Neo-Eurasianist ideas at his lectures. Kovalenko, in particular, stated the Russian authorities were going to mobilise movements of Russian compatriots abroad, so the pressure groups of this kind could become “a basis for the broad integration movement”. The conference itself concluded with an initiative to create an international NGO “Ukraine for the Eurasian Union”, as well as establishing a special NGO for Donbas named “Donbas for the Eurasian Union” led by Baryshnikov.

“Ukraine and Donbas for the Eurasian Union”, Rostov-on-Don, 11 March 2012
On 24 May 2012, the ESM announced on its website that the DR opened the embassy of the Donetsk Republic in the Russian Federation: the “administration of the Embassy was temporarily housed in the headquarters of the Moscow branch of the ESM”. The announcement also argued, intrinsically rejecting the territorial integrity of Ukraine, that the opening of the embassy would “contribute to strengthening of the relations between the residents of the Donetsk Republic and the rest of Russia, and to the matter of reunification of the lands of historical Russia artificially disunited in 1991”. Furthermore, the DR was going to issue passports of the Donetsk Republic, and the residents of the above-mentioned six south-eastern oblasts of Ukraine had priority in applying for these passports.

Conferences focused on Eurasian integration of Ukraine continued. On 28 July 2012, Donetsk hosted a roundtable “Regional reintegration as a steppingstone of the Eurasian unification” that featured Russian and Ukrainian pro-Russian activists, including ESM’s Kovalenko and other members of the Neo-Eurasianist movement, DR’s Purgin, and Baryshnikov.
A similar but larger conference, titled “Donbas in the Eurasian Project”, took place on 24-25 November 2012 in Donetsk and brought together activists from 20 Russian and Ukrainian pro-Russian organisations. The conference opened with a panel chaired by Baryshnikov as the head of the “Donbas for the Eurasian Union” and featured papers of the leaders of theESM Kovalenko and Valeriy Korovin (who conveyed greetings from Dugin), as well as Purgin and two other pro-Russian activists from Donetsk. The conference adopted a resolution that, in particular, stated:
The participants of the conference declare its principal aim – the creation of the Eurasian Union […].
Donbas can and must become a steppingstone and a support region for the launch of the genuine Eurasian project. Being a geopolitical and historical product and heritage of the Russian line of development, our land represents an optimal trans-regional model of the future integration. Our region is an organic part of the Russian world (Russkiy mir), an epicentre of Novorossiya – the last bulwark and guarantee of the unity of Ukraine and Russia. The current conditions actualise the issue of turning Donbas from the purely socio-economic reality into the political factor.


Eurasianism
“Donbas in the Eurasian Project”, Donetsk, 24 November 2012
The DR’s activities went beyond conferences and roundtables. On 4 April 2013, the DR organised an attack on a cultural centre in Donetsk that hosted a workshop on Internet technologies. John F. Tefft, contemporary US Ambassador to Ukraine, opened the workshop, but he left before the attack. Several reports stressed the inactivity of the police during the incident; furthermore, the police later stated that there had been no violations of the public order. This reinforced suspicions that the DR had high-ranking patrons in the region who condoned their anti-Ukrainian and separatist activities during Yanukovych’s rule. The same year, activists of the DR and ESM took part in the Seliger educational forum organised by the Russian “Nashi” movement.


Eurasianism
At the Seliger camp, Russia, summer 2013
However, the DR became less active afterwards and mobilised again only after the Ukrainian revolution, Yanukovych’s flight to Russia, and the beginning of the Russian-Ukrainian war that started with the Russian occupation of Crimea at the end of February 2014.
Purgin became the “first Vice Prime Minister” of the “Donetsk People’s Republic” (DNR), while Oleh Frolov, became a member of the DNR’s “parliament”. Kostyantyn Knyrik, the leader of the Crimean branch of the ESM, became the head of the Information Centre “South-Eastern Front”. Sergey Baryshnikov was appointed, by the “DNR‘s authorities”, the rector of the Donetsk National University.
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Re: L'invasion Russe en Ukraine

Message  Caduce62 le Mer 27 Jan - 0:14

L’état-major de l’opération anti-terroriste déclare que malgré tous les accords sur le règlement du conflit, les combattants pro-russes continuent à attaquer les positions de l’armée ukrainienne: durant la semaine dernière, les séparatistes ont ouvert le feu sur les militaires ukrainiens à 273 reprises, 1 militaire ukrainien a été tué et 12 blessés. Les séparatistes ont ouvert le feu sur les positions de l’armée ukrainienne à Opytne et Peski (aéroport de Donetsk), Maryinka, Novgorodske, Avdiyivka, vers Donetsk. Le 23 janvier, les combattants pro-russes ont utilisé des mitrailleuses et des mortiers de gros calibre près de Shyrokino et Starognativka, le 22 janvier, ils ont utilisé des canons automoteursde calibre 122 mm. Le Service de renseignement de l’armée ukrainienne a informé la mission de l’OSCE de la présence d’armes interdites près de la ligne de démarcation.
Selon Iryna Gerachenko, représentante de l’Ukraine dans le Groupe de contact trilatéral à Minsk, la nouvelle table ronde de discussions n’a apporté aucun progrès. Les séparatistes ont avancé des conditions intolérables et ont annulé l’échange d’otages déjà convenu. À titre d’exemple, au lieu de libérer 25 militaires ukrainiens comme prévu, ils ont proposé d’en libérer seulement 17 en échange de 63 séparatistes. Selon Yuriy Tandit, conseiller du chef du Service de Sécurité d’Ukraine, presque 3000 personnes au total ont été libérées des mains des séparatistes, mais 131 Ukrainiens restent toujours en captivité.

http://uacrisis.org/fr/39699-francais-les-evenements-cles-de-la-semaine-du-18-au-24-janvier-dnr-elections-prisonniers-echanges-crimee-delegation-du-conseil-de-l-europe-gazprom-amende-decentralisation
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Re: L'invasion Russe en Ukraine

Message  Александр le Mer 27 Jan - 9:07

Et avec l'afflux de nouvelles armes et de militaires russes, les choses ne vont pas s'arranger . . . Embarassed
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Re: L'invasion Russe en Ukraine

Message  Александр le Mer 27 Jan - 11:51

Le rapport du jour de l'OSCE.

Ils en ont peur?

Russian Prosecutor’s Office Refused To Verify Deaths Of 159 Russian Servicemen In Donbas

Main Military Prosecutor's Offiice of Russia dismissed the request from human rights activists to verify information on the deaths of 159 soldiers. 
           
Ukrainska Pravda reported this, referring to RBC.

The employees of the Main Military Prosecutor’s Office, which oversaw the inspection and criminal investigation into the deaths of 159 soldiers in the period from January 1, 2014 to July 30, 2015, found no violations of the law and confirmed the legality of the decisions.

In December, the Investigative Committee and the Main Military Prosecutor’s Offiice were requested to verify information about the death of 159 Russian military in the period from 1 January 2014 to 30 July 2015.

During these six months, the Russian army lost at least 108 people (68% of a total number for one year and a half). In most cases (80%) there is no clear information about the circumstances and investigaton of the facts of death.

It was the end of summer and beginning of autumn 2014, when the peak of reports of the deaths of Russian troops in the conflict in Donbas took place.

As known, Boris Nemtsov, in his report “Putin. War”, stated that over two waves of mass deaths of Russian soldiers in Donbas, at least 220 coffins were returned to Russia.

Pourtant, on trouve bien des russes en Ukraine:

Ukrainian Courts Rendered Verdicts On 6 Russian Soldiers Who Fought In Donbas

Ukrainian courts rendered guilty verdicts on six soldiers of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation, who participated in the combat actions on the territory of temporarily occupied Donbas.

The chief military prosecutor of Ukraine Anatolii Matios stated this in an interview for 5 channel.

“At the moment, military prosecutor office completed and submitted to the court, and there are already about six sentences, including arrests”, – said Matios.

In addition, another 26 criminal proceedings against the servicemen of Russian Federation were submitted to the courts.

Matios believes that such trials take priority and go quickly so the facts of Russian war against Ukraine could be considered by the international courts.

As known, in September, Dzerzhynskyi City Court of Donetsk region sentenced the major of Armed Forces of Russia Volodymyr Starkov for 14 years of imprisonment for participating in the war against Ukraine.

It should be recalled that 96 Russian citizens are suspected of crimes against the national security of Ukraine.

Il faut le croire?

La Russie travaille à un compromis sur l’Ukraine

Les Occidentaux évoquent de plus en plus ouvertement la perspective de levée des sanctions contre la Russie. La paix en Ukraine bute sur les difficiles négociations entre Moscou et les autorités ukrainiennes.

                    
Virginie NGUYEN HOANG/hanslucas.

À Moscou, Paris ou Washington, le discours a profondément changé entre janvier 2015 et janvier 2016. La guerre en Syrie a réchauffé des relations fortement dégradées par le conflit ukrainien. De part et d’autre, on cherche l’apaisement sur le dossier ukrainien. On parle affaires. Quand les Occidentaux évoquent les sanctions économiques qui pèsent sur la Russie pour son soutien au mouvement séparatiste du Donbass, dans l’Est de l’Ukraine, c’est pour mieux les déplorer.

Au cours des deux dernières semaines, les autorités russes ont noté avec satisfaction les propos optimistes du secrétaire d’État américain John Kerry et ceux du ministre français de l’économie Emmanuel Macron. « L’Ouest ne veut plus être l’otage de la politique de Kiev », a insisté le 26 janvier Sergeï Lavrov, le ministre russe des affaires étrangères, avant de renvoyer aux « collègues ukrainiens » la responsabilité du blocage du processus de paix dans le Donbass.

Des postes d’officiers ukrainiens occupés par des Russes

Au-delà de ces déclarations de circonstance, le Kremlin pousse bel et bien en faveur d’un compromis sur l’Ukraine, étape indispensable avant une levée des sanctions européennes. Ces mesures qui touchent les secteurs russes du pétrole, de la finance et de la défense ont été introduites en 2014, après l’annexion de la Crimée, puis la guerre dans le Donbass. La Russie, en réponse, a appliqué un embargo sur la plupart des produits agroalimentaires européens.

Officiellement, la Russie continue de réfuter tout interventionnisme en Ukraine. En pratique, les services de renseignement du FSB et de l’armée ont renforcé leur mainmise sur les Républiques séparatistes de Donetsk et de Lougansk. La plupart des postes d’officiers sont occupés par des citoyens russes tandis que les bataillons de volontaires ont été intégrés dans la nouvelle armée rebelle.

Abandon de l’idée d’indépendance

L’anarchie des débuts recule au profit d’un système centralisé où chaque arme, munition et obus utilisés sont notés dans un registre. Dans l’armée comme l’administration des territoires insurgés, les fortes têtes séparatistes sont écartées ou éliminées. Le discours des dirigeants officiels des Républiques autoproclamées s’est adapté à la nouvelle donne : beaucoup moins belliqueux, ils ne parlent plus d’indépendance mais de large autonomie au sein de l’Ukraine.

Outre la reprise en main du Donbass, Moscou s’est donné les moyens d’avancer les discussions diplomatiques. Vladimir Poutine a nommé comme nouveau négociateur un poids lourd : Boris Gryslov. L’ex ministre de l’intérieur puis speaker de la Douma mène les discussions directes avec le président ukrainien Petro Poroshenko. « Boris Gryslov ne passe par pour un fin diplomate. Il incarne la méthode forte. Avec lui, Moscou est à la recherche d’un accord », insiste Pavel Felgenhauer, expert politique et militaire indépendant.

« Poutine n’acceptera jamais que l’Ukraine entre dans l’Union européenne et l’Otan »

La crise économique en Russie a contraint le Kremlin à réviser ses dépenses, et donc ses objectifs à la baisse en Ukraine. Le soutien au séparatiste coûte cher, au moins un milliard d’euros en 2015 selon une enquête du quotidien allemand Bild, entre les pensions des retraités, le salaire des fonctionnaires et celui des combattants. « S’il adapte sa stratégie, Vladimir Poutine n’acceptera jamais que l’Ukraine entre dans l’Union européenne et l’Otan », avertit Pavel Felgenhauer.

De fait, les négociations sur la réalisation des accords de Minsk 2, qui se poursuivent chaque semaine dans la capitale Biélorusse, ne progressent guère. Le contrôle de la frontière entre la Russie et les régions ukrainiennes du Donbass reste au centre des discussions. L’Ukraine exige de pouvoir surveiller cette bande de terre par laquelle transitent les armes et les soldats russes, avant d’envisager des élections locales et d’officialiser le statut spécial pour le Donbass.

Un conflit gelé

La Russie, elle, défend un calendrier opposé. Lors de sa visite à Kiev, le 11 janvier, l’envoyé spécial Boris Gryzlov a conditionné le retour des forces ukrainiennes sur la frontière à la tenue d’élections dans le Donbass et l’octroi d’un statut spécial de la région. « Entre paix et guerre, note un diplomate étranger, la crise en Ukraine prend de plus en plus les allures d’un conflit gelé. » Un conflit qui continue de tuer : la semaine dernière, les Ukrainiens ont annoncé la mort d’un de leur soldat sur la ligne de front.

Toujours dans cette "veine":

Ukraine: Un cessez-le-feu fragile

Recul des hostilités, mais les civils demeurent en danger

(Berlin) – Le conflit armé qui sévit dans l'est de l'Ukraine fait de nombreuses victimes parmi les civils, a déclaré Human Rights Watch aujourd'hui dans son (version abrégée en français).
Le cessez-le-feu intervenu en septembre 2015 a considérablement réduit les hostilités lors desquelles de sérieuses violations du droit international humanitaire avaient causé de graves préjudices à l'encontre des civils ; or, il n'en reste pas moins que les individus qui se trouvent dans les zones de conflit font l'objet de menaces répétées en matière de sécurité et de droits.



Déplier

Un habitant d’Oleksandrivka, dans l’est de l’Ukraine, devant les décombres de la maison de sa fille et de son mari, qui ont perdu la vie quand une roquette a frappé leur garage le 16 janvier 2015.

© 2015 Human Rights Watch

« Le conflit actif se transforme peut-être en conflit larvé, mais dans l'est de l'Ukraine, la nécessité de protéger les civils et de garantir leurs droits doit rester primordiale pour toutes les parties », a déclaré Yulia Gorbunova, chercheuse à la division Europe et Asie centrale de Human Rights Watch. « Ni les instances ukrainiennes ni les autorités rebelles ne devraient ignorer voire bafouer les droits humains dans les opérations qu'elles mènent dans l'est du pays. »

Dans son Rapport mondial 2016, dont la version anglaise de cette 26e édition comprend 659 pages, Human Rights Watch passe en revue les pratiques en matière de droits humains dans plus de 90 pays. Dans son essai introductif, le directeur exécutif Kenneth Roth explique que la propagation des attaques terroristes au-delà du Moyen-Orient ainsi que les flux massifs de réfugiés cherchant à fuir la répression et les conflits ont conduit de nombreux gouvernements à restreindre les droits humains dans un effort peu judicieux visant à protéger la sécurité de leurs pays. Dans le même temps, des gouvernements autoritaires partout dans le monde, craignant la contestation pacifique dont l’effet est souvent amplifié par les médias sociaux, ont entamé à l’encontre d’organisations indépendantes la plus intense vague de répression de ces dernières années.

Des mines et autres restes d'explosifs de guerre tuent et blessent des civils, notamment des enfants, a déclaré Human Rights Watch. Les restrictions gouvernementales relatives aux mouvements vers et en provenance des zones contrôlées par les rebelles gênent les civils qui ont besoin d'avoir accès aux services sociaux, aux prestations gouvernementales et aux médicaments. Les groupes rebelles interdisent ou entravent les activités des groupes humanitaires dans les régions de Donetsk et de Luhansk, empêchant l'accès des civils à l'aide humanitaire.

Tant les forces rebelles que gouvernementales ont perpétré des attaques aveugles qui ont coûté la vie à des civils. Les forces rebelles et gouvernementales ont été mises en cause par des allégations crédibles de torture et de traitements dégradants à l'encontre de détenus. Rares sont les abus qui font l'objet d'enquêtes.

En 2015, le gouvernement a pris des mesures controversées visant à restreindre la liberté d'expression, notamment par le biais d'une législation interdisant les symboles du communisme et criminalisant la propagande de l'idéologie communiste. Les autorités présentent un bilan contrasté en ce qui concerne leur réponse au mouvement des lesbiennes, gays, bisexuels et transgenres (la communauté LGBT) et tant l'homophobie que l'intolérance demeurent généralisées.

La situation relative aux droits humains en Crimée sous l'occupation russe demeure répressive, les voix dissidentes étant habituellement réduites au silence. Les individus qui ont refusé de prendre la citoyenneté russe pour conserver leur nationalité ukrainienne se sont heurtés aux difficultés et à la discrimination dans leur accès à l'éducation, au travail et aux prestations sociales.
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Re: L'invasion Russe en Ukraine

Message  pyxous le Mer 27 Jan - 16:16

Statue de Lénine endommagée à Donetsk


Des inconnus ont tenté de faire exploser une statue de Lénine trônant sur la place principale de Donetsk, fief des rebelles prorusses dans l'est de l'Ukraine, ont annoncé ce matin les autorités de la république populaire autoproclamée de Donetsk. La statue n'a pas été endommagée par l'explosion qui s'est produite la nuit dernière, une petite partie seulement du piédestal ayant été touchée.

Cette tentative de détruire ce monument phare de la capitale rebelle a cependant provoqué l'ire des responsables séparatistes. "Selon nos informations, les explosifs ont été placés par un groupe terroriste qui a déjà commis de tels crimes à Donetsk. Apparemment, ils ont pris racine ici, ils ont un vaste réseau", a déclaré Edouard Bassourine, haut responsable de la république autoproclamée de Donetsk. De nombreuses statues de Lénine ont été déboulonnées en Ukraine au cours des derniers mois, suscitant des réactions indignées chez les rebelles.

Le président ukrainien Petro Porochenko a notamment promulgué en mai de nouvelles lois interdisant toute propagande communiste dans le pays, au grand dam de la Russie. Dans le cadre de ces lois, les monuments à la gloire de responsables soviétiques, dont les nombreuses statues de Lénine couvrant le pays, doivent être démontés tandis que les localités, rues ou entreprises faisant référence au communisme devront être rebaptisées.
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Re: L'invasion Russe en Ukraine

Message  benoit77 le Mer 27 Jan - 19:18

À Strasbourg, lors de la session de l'Assemblée parlementaire du Conseil de l'Europe (APCE) c'est tenu une présentation de la publication "Le Livre des crimes de la Fédération de Russie en Ukraine en 2014-2015.
https://focus.ua/country/344573/
http://news.liga.net/news/politics/8719011-v_sovete_evropy_predstavili_knigu_prestupleniy_rossii_v_ukraine.htm
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Re: L'invasion Russe en Ukraine

Message  benoit77 le Mer 27 Jan - 22:35

Александр a écrit:Comme il a déjà été dit, la guerre était programmée à l'avance, mais je ne savait pas que depuis si longtemps:

How Alexander Dugin’s Neo-Eurasianists geared up for the Russian-Ukrainian war in 2005-2013


Activists of the Donetsk Republic and Eurasian Youth Union took part in the Seliger educational forum organised by the Russian “Nashi” movement. 

p'tites videos en rapport :
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7YRi9apVYKg

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FzBwgX89i7Q

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hYWdYJaT7-g
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Re: L'invasion Russe en Ukraine

Message  Александр le Jeu 28 Jan - 10:31

Le rapport du jour de l'OSCE.

President: In the long-term historical perspective, the main military threat is Russia – the country-aggressor




At the NSDC session, President Petro Poroshenko emphasized the necessity of approving new military-administrative division. The Head of State noted that our country was guided by the fact that “in the long-term historical perspective, the main military threat is Russia – the country-aggressor”.

The President emphasized that new military-administrative zoning would increase the efficiency of mobilization preparation and optimize the territorial defense system based on the experience gained over the past two years.

 


“Until recently, this zoning was based on the fact that the majority of military formations of Ukraine were located near the western border of Ukraine where all conditions for the troops were provided,” the President said. At the same time, the eastern border was not demarcated and virtually there was no eastern defense line, as stated by Petro Poroshenko. Thus, the country paid an extremely high price for that.

The National Security and Defense Council chaired by the President is considering three issues related to the hybrid war of Russia against Ukraine, namely the State Defense Order for 2016, new military-administrative zoning and the Cybersecurity Strategy of Ukraine.

PACE Considers Savchenko Detention To Be Case Of Political Persecution

Nellija Kleinberga, the Assembly’s rapporteur on humanitarian concerns with regard to captured people during the conflict in Ukraine, considers Savchenko detention to be “a serious case of political persecution”. 
            
She said this in her statement.

“The continuing detention by the Russian Federation of Nadiia Savchenko, Ukrainian parliamentarian and a member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe’s (PACE) Committee on Migration, Refugees and Displaced Persons, constitutes a flagrant violation of human rights and a serious case of political persecution of a Ukrainian citizen in Russia,” said Nellija Kleinberga.

Besides, she added: “I believe that Ms Savchenko can only be liberated by putting international pressure on the Russian authorities. Her life should not be a matter of political manipulation”.

Finally, Kleinberga said: “The delay in addressing her case is unjustified. I therefore call on the Russian authorities to do their utmost to give Ms Savchenko the fair and public hearing she is entitled to within a reasonable time-limit”.

Ukrainian MFA considers Russian authorities to be responsible for life and health of Nadiia Savchenko.

As previously reported, the newly elected PACE President calls on Russia to release Savchenko.

Ukrainian delegation to PACE presented book of Russia's crimes in Ukraine. PHOTOS


Head of Ukrainian delegation to PACE, Poroshenko Bloc MP Volodymyr Ariev wrote in Facebook, Censor.NET reports.
Members of the Ukrainian delegation to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe have presented a book of crimes committed by Russia in the territory of Ukraine.

Read more: PACE allows Ukraine to impose sanctions against MPs who travel to Crimea

"We've presented the book of Russia's crimes before the Assembly. To be more precise, an album of the most important events of 2014-2015, created by me together with the best designer of Ukraine Dmytro Tsapko and Tough Slate Design," Ariev noted.



Many of those present, Ariev says, were turning the pages with horror in their eyes.

Read more: Terrorist leader Zakharchenko confessed he burned down houses in Kozhevnia village

"They were strongly impressed by pictures of those whose stories have been described: war-affected Donbas children, a priest tortured by terrorists for a prayer for peace and unity in Ukraine, a guy whose hand was cut off due to a mere fact of a trident tattooed on it," the head of the Ukrainian delegation to PACE wrote.



Le mot de la fin pour l'OTAN:

Odessa: Ukraine's secret weapon?



Full video transcript


Odessa: Ukraine’s secret weapon?


This is Odessa in Southern Ukraine.


Its streets are lined with cafés.

It has a relatively young population,


a beautiful Black sea coastline

and a major international port.


But more importantly,


Ukrainians see it

as one of their most laid-back cities


with residents who are famous
for their sense of humour.


Odessa had an image

of a very peaceful and tolerant city


in the old, former Soviet-Union.

A city of international communication,


where some kind of fighting

between people on national base


is absolutely impossible.


But behind this relaxed facade

lies a city that has been under attack.


And its response may have been

one of the most important reactions


in Ukraine’s recent troubled history.


Because of the last developments

in the east and in Crimea,


Odessa became the Ukrainian city,


by its consciousness,

by its identification.


In Ukraine, Odessa is about as far

away as you can get from Russia.


But Russia has come to Odessa.


The Russian hybrid campaign

in Ukraine has targeted Odessa,


perhaps because the region

is Russian-speaking.


But if the attackers thought that this

would help them, they miscalculated.


In Odessa, most people

are speaking Russian language,


but it doesn’t mean that it is

a kind of Russian city, which is...


It is like Montreal is not in France and

Sydney is not in England of course.


The Russian language plays

a key role in Odessa’s battle.


All my colleagues

at the university for example


speak Russian with each other.

This is my native language.


But this is also a key moment

when many Ukrainians are saying


that speaking Russian

doesn’t mean support for Russia.


Many, many people, many patriots,

who fight now in the east of Ukraine,


they do speak Russian language.

We don’t feel like Russian Federation


and Putin has the right

to privatise the Russian language


because this is the common heritage.


Because most of Odessa’s people

are Russian-speaking


they receive their news

from Russian channels


and that news has often

included disinformation.


It’s quite unique

that you have millions of people,


year after year, on a daily basis,

tuning in information,


TV coverage, news coverage

provided by the neighbouring state.


Odessa finally reacted and has now

cut off the offending channels


and it’s having an effect already.


I think it wasn’t a good decision

to cut those channels off


from our airspace basically,

the TV coverage space.


But it was needed because we are

already seeing some first results.


Some people who were brainwashed,

can no longer watch those.


And now deliberately

or reluctantly they are switching


to local channels

or the Ukrainian TV channels


and some of those people’s attitudes

are changing and shifting a little bit.


When support for Russia,

its aims and its activists,


did not materialize

as expected in Odessa,


different, more aggressive methods

tried to destabilize the city.


One was a series of bomb explosions


designed to sow fear

in the local population.


Although it has received

very little international attention,


Odessa has been hit

by literally dozens of small bombs


and this place was

a victim earlier on in 2015.


It’s a coordination centre

for volunteers fighting in the east.


As is the usual strategy

the bomb went off late at night.


There were no casualties,

but the authorities


fixed the damage

as quickly as possible


to eliminate the signs of instability

that the bombs were to create.


The city experienced over twenty

bomb attacks, always at night,


in the first six months of 2015,


but they did little to break

the resolve of the population.


The terroristic acts,

they were not successful.


They had a very short-term result.

So maybe one, two days


you felt that there is

some stress in the society,


but then people were forgetting them.


People on the streets confirm


that the bombs hadn’t affected

the Odessa way of life.


According to the news they are

bombing only some specific targets.


They are doing it during the night.


So for the tourists probably

there is nothing to worry about,


but it is definitely the case to look at.


How do you think this has affected

the atmosphere within the city?


Has it changed people’s

attitudes and actions?


I don’t think so. I don’t know

why they are doing it because...


It is pointless. Everyone is smiling,

lots of people, everything is the same.


I try not to worry at all


because all the worries

make our life much worse.


So I don’t worry about this. I think

our city is very nice, very touristic.


It’s not so nice weather, but anyway

we have plenty people outdoors.


So... Politic is politic, but life if life.

So, let's stay out of politic.


The hybrid attacks

weren’t finished though.


The disinformation and unattributed

rumours started to spread.


Again the idea was to generate panic.


When the mobilisation

campaign was announced,


in some of the villages,

Bulgarian, Moldavian, Gagauzian,


these special people started

to develop panic among the people...


For example, in one of the villages,

one person came and said


that tomorrow all men

will be called for mobilisation.


So the next day none of the men were

there because they ran to Moldova.


Soon the disinformation focused on

the danger of the pro-Russian enclave


in neighbouring Moldova

of Transnistria.


From time to time

appearing information


about the possible attack,

rather from the sea.


So, I mean some Crimean forces


coming by the sea,

or from Transnistria.


And usually people are not analysing

how realistic this threat is or not,


but for them that is enough.


With Russian troops

conducting exercises in Transnistria,


this was a rumour

that brought real fear.


Behind me is the land

that time forgot.


This is Transnistria, part of Moldova,


that fought a bloody war

to break away from that country.


This ended in the 90’s

and after that time


Transnistria declared itself

an independent state.


But it is not recognized

by most of the world


and it has an unsustainable economy.

First of all largely helped


by illegal smuggling across this patch

and many other in the border areas.


Secondly it depends

on handouts from Russia.


We are in between Crimea

and Transnistria.


That’s a vulnerable region.

A region open for destabilisation


and it seems to be

that Russia is using all kinds of tools


to destabilise Ukraine,

to have this kind of protracted,


slow-moving,

low-scale destabilisation.


It seems to me that one of the goals

they’re having, is exactly that.


Russia is one of the few countries

that recognises Transnistria.


As Russia’s aggression

in the east continues


and its attacks continue

in other parts of the Ukraine,


it’s here on Ukraine’s

western border that some feel


the next attacks could come from.


None of these destabilising efforts

worked, but then came a moment


which threatened to divide

the city like never before.


May the 2nd 2014.


On May the 2nd 2014, the building

behind me entered Ukrainian history.


There had been clashes

between pro-Ukrainian groups


and pro-Russian rebel groups

here outside.


But as the day ended many people

took refuge in that building


and a fire broke out.

Over forty people died.


So to give an indication

of what happened on May the 2nd.


The building had been taken over

some hours before


by the pro-Russian rebel groups.

They barricaded themselves in.


The fire broke out somewhere

around the right-hand side


and affected the stairs

quite intensively.


The security services,

the police and the fire brigade,


were slow to respond.


There were attempts

by the pro-Ukrainian groups outside


to help those

who were clearly in some distress


as the fire raged through the building,


but after several hours

it became clear


that at least forty people

had become trapped inside


and died of smoke inhalation.


This time was different.


There had been deaths and

not only at the trade union building,


but in the streets of the city.


Those clashes that perhaps

were planned, like street clashes,


turned into a four-hour battle


where AKM submachine guns

were used and molotov cocktails


as a result of which

six people were killed.


Six people died downtown


and the first victim

is commemorated behind me there.


He was a 27-year old

who was killed by a snipers bullet.


May the 2nd left both sides

blaming each other.


People in the city

also had little confidence


that the courts

would bring rapid justice.


So a group of journalists

headed by Sergiy Dibrov


decided to investigate for themselves

what happened on that day.


Finding a single point of view

is very difficult for many reasons.


Firstly, nobody expects to hear

the truth from the investigators,


the police, the courts, they don’t

have the confidence of society.


That’s why

a journalist group was set up


with diametrically

opposing points of view.


We have been working for more

than a year to investigate the events.


The reaction

to the deadly events of May the 2nd


is possibly the best example

of how Odessa fought back


against division and intimidation.


As regards to the key elements and

documents, we signed all of them,


all thirteen of the journalists

with different views.


We came to a single conclusion

that can be seen on paper.


Despite differing opinions,


the journalists have made much

more progress than the courts.


And we’ve just had

a court case adjourned again.


This is one of several

that has been adjourned so far.


And this is why the cases

against those charged


with causing the deaths on May

the 2nd 2014, is taking so long.


It has to work its way through

a very laborious court system.


Analysts reckon it could be years

before anyone is brought to justice.


Odessa knows it needs to ensure

that it is never this vulnerable again.


And that means tackling corruption

and much needed reforms.


That is where the region’s

new governor comes in.


Former Georgian president Mikheil

Saakashvili, a reform specialist,


is Odessa’s new governor,

but he can only do so much.


A governor does not have

a lot of opportunity


because it is not even

like a governor of state in the US,


or even not a governor

like in the Russian Federation,


because most economical tools

are in hands of Kiev government


or a mayor or a city council.

But what a governor can do


is fighting

the corruption on regional level.


Making Odessa more resilient

through economic reforms is the goal,


but they need to tackle first

an old system that is full of obstacles.


We don’t care to work

within a system that doesn’t work.


What people want to hear is that

just like Slovakia jammed 17% up


when they ran the reforms.


That’s what we want to do.

That’s what our ambition should be.


Odessa still needs reform,

including better infrastructure,


improved agriculture, better social

protection and less bureaucracy.


But what is clear

is that Odessa has managed


to avoid the same fate as Crimea.


Crimea was open to anyone.


It was possible for any person

in the world to come to Crimea,


Ukrainian Crimea,

and to have a good time there.


What we see today?

We see that Crimea is almost blocked,


it is isolated

and no one can actually go there.


Ukraine's future is being built

in places like Odessa,


but it’s also true

that change needs to be real


because the people

know the difference


between empty words

and real action.


If we feel that there is

at least less corruption in this area,


everyone would know that.

But if it will be only words,


only some declarations,

it would be very easy to know.


People are getting impatient,

but not...


In my mind not to the extent

for the new Maidan to be forging.


After all, a lot of people understand

we cannot rule through Maidans.


The country cannot be

a stable country and having a future


living from Maidan to another Maidan.

People are just not patient.


You know, people are expecting

this change to be faster and I tend to,


you know, to succumb

to this impatience myself as well.


But if the people

can bring some of the changes


the country so dearly needs,

Odessa could be the birthplace


of a newer, freer

and stronger Ukraine.


And it is something

that the people want soon.


Odessa: Ukraine’s secret weapon?
This is Odessa in Southern Ukraine.
Its streets are lined with cafés.

It has a relatively young population,
a beautiful Black sea coastline

and a major international port.
But more importantly,
Ukrainians see it

as one of their most laid-back cities
with residents who are famous

for their sense of humour.
Odessa had an image

of a very peaceful and tolerant city
in the old, former Soviet-Union.

A city of international communication,
where some kind of fighting

between people on national base
is absolutely impossible.
But behind this relaxed facade

lies a city that has been under attack.
And its response may have been

one of the most important reactions
in Ukraine’s recent troubled history.
Because of the last developments

in the east and in Crimea,
Odessa became the Ukrainian city,
by its consciousness,

by its identification.
In Ukraine, Odessa is about as far

away as you can get from Russia.
But Russia has come to Odessa.
The Russian hybrid campaign

in Ukraine has targeted Odessa,
perhaps because the region

is Russian-speaking.
But if the attackers thought that this

would help them, they miscalculated.
In Odessa, most people

are speaking Russian language,
but it doesn’t mean that it is

a kind of Russian city, which is...
It is like Montreal is not in France and

Sydney is not in England of course.
The Russian language plays

a key role in Odessa’s battle.
All my colleagues

at the university for example
speak Russian with each other.

This is my native language.
But this is also a key moment

when many Ukrainians are saying
that speaking Russian

doesn’t mean support for Russia.
Many, many people, many patriots,

who fight now in the east of Ukraine,
they do speak Russian language.

We don’t feel like Russian Federation
and Putin has the right

to privatise the Russian language
because this is the common heritage.
Because most of Odessa’s people

are Russian-speaking
they receive their news

from Russian channels
and that news has often

included disinformation.
It’s quite unique

that you have millions of people,
year after year, on a daily basis,

tuning in information,
TV coverage, news coverage

provided by the neighbouring state.
Odessa finally reacted and has now

cut off the offending channels
and it’s having an effect already.
I think it wasn’t a good decision

to cut those channels off
from our airspace basically,

the TV coverage space.
But it was needed because we are

already seeing some first results.
Some people who were brainwashed,

can no longer watch those.
And now deliberately

or reluctantly they are switching
to local channels

or the Ukrainian TV channels
and some of those people’s attitudes

are changing and shifting a little bit.
When support for Russia,

its aims and its activists,
did not materialize

as expected in Odessa,
different, more aggressive methods

tried to destabilize the city.
One was a series of bomb explosions
designed to sow fear

in the local population.
Although it has received

very little international attention,
Odessa has been hit

by literally dozens of small bombs
and this place was

a victim earlier on in 2015.
It’s a coordination centre

for volunteers fighting in the east.
As is the usual strategy

the bomb went off late at night.
There were no casualties,

but the authorities
fixed the damage

as quickly as possible
to eliminate the signs of instability

that the bombs were to create.
The city experienced over twenty

bomb attacks, always at night,
in the first six months of 2015,
but they did little to break

the resolve of the population.
The terroristic acts,

they were not successful.
They had a very short-term result.

So maybe one, two days
you felt that there is

some stress in the society,
but then people were forgetting them.
People on the streets confirm
that the bombs hadn’t affected

the Odessa way of life.
According to the news they are

bombing only some specific targets.
They are doing it during the night.
So for the tourists probably

there is nothing to worry about,
but it is definitely the case to look at.
How do you think this has affected

the atmosphere within the city?
Has it changed people’s

attitudes and actions?
I don’t think so. I don’t know

why they are doing it because...
It is pointless. Everyone is smiling,

lots of people, everything is the same.
I try not to worry at all
because all the worries

make our life much worse.
So I don’t worry about this. I think

our city is very nice, very touristic.
It’s not so nice weather, but anyway

we have plenty people outdoors.
So... Politic is politic, but life if life.

So, let's stay out of politic.
The hybrid attacks

weren’t finished though.
The disinformation and unattributed

rumours started to spread.
Again the idea was to generate panic.
When the mobilisation

campaign was announced,
in some of the villages,

Bulgarian, Moldavian, Gagauzian,
these special people started

to develop panic among the people...
For example, in one of the villages,

one person came and said
that tomorrow all men

will be called for mobilisation.
So the next day none of the men were

there because they ran to Moldova.
Soon the disinformation focused on

the danger of the pro-Russian enclave
in neighbouring Moldova

of Transnistria.
From time to time

appearing information
about the possible attack,

rather from the sea.
So, I mean some Crimean forces
coming by the sea,

or from Transnistria.
And usually people are not analysing

how realistic this threat is or not,
but for them that is enough.
With Russian troops

conducting exercises in Transnistria,
this was a rumour

that brought real fear.
Behind me is the land

that time forgot.
This is Transnistria, part of Moldova,
that fought a bloody war

to break away from that country.
This ended in the 90’s

and after that time
Transnistria declared itself

an independent state.
But it is not recognized

by most of the world
and it has an unsustainable economy.

First of all largely helped
by illegal smuggling across this patch

and many other in the border areas.
Secondly it depends

on handouts from Russia.
We are in between Crimea

and Transnistria.
That’s a vulnerable region.

A region open for destabilisation
and it seems to be

that Russia is using all kinds of tools
to destabilise Ukraine,

to have this kind of protracted,
slow-moving,

low-scale destabilisation.
It seems to me that one of the goals

they’re having, is exactly that.
Russia is one of the few countries

that recognises Transnistria.
As Russia’s aggression

in the east continues
and its attacks continue

in other parts of the Ukraine,
it’s here on Ukraine’s

western border that some feel
the next attacks could come from.
None of these destabilising efforts

worked, but then came a moment
which threatened to divide

the city like never before.
May the 2nd 2014.
On May the 2nd 2014, the building

behind me entered Ukrainian history.
There had been clashes

between pro-Ukrainian groups
and pro-Russian rebel groups

here outside.
But as the day ended many people

took refuge in that building
and a fire broke out.

Over forty people died.
So to give an indication

of what happened on May the 2nd.
The building had been taken over

some hours before
by the pro-Russian rebel groups.

They barricaded themselves in.
The fire broke out somewhere

around the right-hand side
and affected the stairs

quite intensively.
The security services,

the police and the fire brigade,
were slow to respond.
There were attempts

by the pro-Ukrainian groups outside
to help those

who were clearly in some distress
as the fire raged through the building,
but after several hours

it became clear
that at least forty people

had become trapped inside
and died of smoke inhalation.
This time was different.
There had been deaths and

not only at the trade union building,
but in the streets of the city.
Those clashes that perhaps

were planned, like street clashes,
turned into a four-hour battle
where AKM submachine guns

were used and molotov cocktails
as a result of which

six people were killed.
Six people died downtown
and the first victim

is commemorated behind me there.
He was a 27-year old

who was killed by a snipers bullet.
May the 2nd left both sides

blaming each other.
People in the city

also had little confidence
that the courts

would bring rapid justice.
So a group of journalists

headed by Sergiy Dibrov
decided to investigate for themselves

what happened on that day.
Finding a single point of view

is very difficult for many reasons.
Firstly, nobody expects to hear

the truth from the investigators,
the police, the courts, they don’t

have the confidence of society.
That’s why

a journalist group was set up
with diametrically

opposing points of view.
We have been working for more

than a year to investigate the events.
The reaction

to the deadly events of May the 2nd
is possibly the best example

of how Odessa fought back
against division and intimidation.
As regards to the key elements and

documents, we signed all of them,
all thirteen of the journalists

with different views.
We came to a single conclusion

that can be seen on paper.
Despite differing opinions,
the journalists have made much

more progress than the courts.
And we’ve just had

a court case adjourned again.
This is one of several

that has been adjourned so far.
And this is why the cases

against those charged
with causing the deaths on May

the 2nd 2014, is taking so long.
It has to work its way through

a very laborious court system.
Analysts reckon it could be years

before anyone is brought to justice.
Odessa knows it needs to ensure

that it is never this vulnerable again.
And that means tackling corruption

and much needed reforms.
That is where the region’s

new governor comes in.
Former Georgian president Mikheil

Saakashvili, a reform specialist,
is Odessa’s new governor,

but he can only do so much.
A governor does not have

a lot of opportunity
because it is not even

like a governor of state in the US,
or even not a governor

like in the Russian Federation,
because most economical tools

are in hands of Kiev government
or a mayor or a city council.

But what a governor can do
is fighting

the corruption on regional level.
Making Odessa more resilient

through economic reforms is the goal,
but they need to tackle first

an old system that is full of obstacles.
We don’t care to work

within a system that doesn’t work.
What people want to hear is that

just like Slovakia jammed 17% up
when they ran the reforms.
That’s what we want to do.

That’s what our ambition should be.
Odessa still needs reform,

including better infrastructure,
improved agriculture, better social

protection and less bureaucracy.
But what is clear

is that Odessa has managed
to avoid the same fate as Crimea.
Crimea was open to anyone.
It was possible for any person

in the world to come to Crimea,
Ukrainian Crimea,

and to have a good time there.
What we see today?

We see that Crimea is almost blocked,
it is isolated

and no one can actually go there.
Ukraine's future is being built

in places like Odessa,
but it’s also true

that change needs to be real
because the people

know the difference
between empty words

and real action.
If we feel that there is

at least less corruption in this area,
everyone would know that.

But if it will be only words,
only some declarations,

it would be very easy to know.
People are getting impatient,

but not...
In my mind not to the extent

for the new Maidan to be forging.
After all, a lot of people understand

we cannot rule through Maidans.
The country cannot be

a stable country and having a future
living from Maidan to another Maidan.

People are just not patient.
You know, people are expecting

this change to be faster and I tend to,
you know, to succumb

to this impatience myself as well.
But if the people

can bring some of the changes
the country so dearly needs,

Odessa could be the birthplace
of a newer, freer

and stronger Ukraine.
And it is something

that the people want soon.

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Александр

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Re: L'invasion Russe en Ukraine

Message  benoit77 le Jeu 28 Jan - 14:22

Les convois continuent :
http://news.liga.net/news/politics/8730384-moskva_vozobnovlyaet_otpravku_v_donbass_putinskikh_konvoev.htm
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benoit77

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Re: L'invasion Russe en Ukraine

Message  Александр le Jeu 28 Jan - 14:55

Le 49ième . . .
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Александр

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Re: L'invasion Russe en Ukraine

Message  Александр le Ven 29 Jan - 10:42

Pas de nouveau rapport de l'OSCE.

Ukraine Сalls On UN Security Council To Discuss Putin’s Statements Concerning Donbas

Ukrainian delegation to the United Nations initiated a discussion of the last speech of Russian President Vladimir Putin on Donbas and Soviet history, which put the borders of Ukraine under the question. 
           
The press service of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine stated this.

“On January 27, Ukrainian delegation instructed by the President initiated a discussion in the Security Council of the recent remarks of Russian President Vladimir Putin concerning Donbas, which cast doubt on Ukraine’s borders”, – said the statement.

Reportedly, the representative of Ukraine Volodymyr Yelchenko stressed the inadmissibility of attempts of senior Russian management to rewrite the history, questioning the territorial integrity, sovereignty and political independence of Ukraine.

According to Yelchenko, Putin’s statements violated a number of basic international documents, including the UN Charter and the Helsinki Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe in 1975.

The Foreign Ministry also reported that in connection with this, Ukraine called on all the State Parties to the Budapest Memorandum, including Russia, to hold the consultations concerning infringement of the existing borders of Ukraine immediately.

As known, the Russian president called the transfer of Donbas to Ukraine in the 1920s “delirium”.

As previously reported, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine Pavlo Klimkin suggests to consult with the State Parties to the Budapest memorandum to clarify the provisions of this document.
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Re: L'invasion Russe en Ukraine

Message  pyxous le Ven 29 Jan - 15:18

La Russie travaille à un compromis sur l’Ukraine


Les Occidentaux évoquent de plus en plus ouvertement la perspective de levée des sanctions contre la Russie. La paix en Ukraine bute sur les difficiles négociations entre Moscou et les autorités ukrainiennes.
 
À Moscou, Paris ou Washington, le discours a profondément changé entre janvier 2015 et janvier 2016. La guerre en Syrie a réchauffé des relations fortement dégradées par le conflit ukrainien. De part et d’autre, on cherche l’apaisement sur le dossier ukrainien. On parle affaires. Quand les Occidentaux évoquent les sanctions économiques qui pèsent sur la Russie pour son soutien au mouvement séparatiste du Donbass, dans l’Est de l’Ukraine, c’est pour mieux les déplorer.
 
Au cours des deux dernières semaines, les autorités russes ont noté avec satisfaction les propos optimistes du secrétaire d’État américain John Kerry et ceux du ministre français de l’économie Emmanuel Macron. « L’Ouest ne veut plus être l’otage de la politique de Kiev », a insisté le 26 janvier Sergeï Lavrov, le ministre russe des affaires étrangères, avant de renvoyer aux « collègues ukrainiens » la responsabilité du blocage du processus de paix dans le Donbass.
 
Des postes d’officiers ukrainiens occupés par des Russes
 
Au-delà de ces déclarations de circonstance, le Kremlin pousse bel et bien en faveur d’un compromis sur l’Ukraine, étape indispensable avant une levée des sanctions européennes. Ces mesures qui touchent les secteurs russes du pétrole, de la finance et de la défense ont été introduites en 2014, après l’annexion de la Crimée, puis la guerre dans le Donbass. La Russie, en réponse, a appliqué un embargo sur la plupart des produits agroalimentaires européens.
 
Officiellement, la Russie continue de réfuter tout interventionnisme en Ukraine. En pratique, les services de renseignement du FSB et de l’armée ont renforcé leur mainmise sur les Républiques séparatistes de Donetsk et de Lougansk. La plupart des postes d’officiers sont occupés par des citoyens russes tandis que les bataillons de volontaires ont été intégrés dans la nouvelle armée rebelle.
 
Abandon de l’idée d’indépendance
 
L’anarchie des débuts recule au profit d’un système centralisé où chaque arme, munition et obus utilisés sont notés dans un registre. Dans l’armée comme l’administration des territoires insurgés, les fortes têtes séparatistes sont écartées ou éliminées. Le discours des dirigeants officiels des Républiques autoproclamées s’est adapté à la nouvelle donne : beaucoup moins belliqueux, ils ne parlent plus d’indépendance mais de large autonomie au sein de l’Ukraine.
 
Outre la reprise en main du Donbass, Moscou s’est donné les moyens d’avancer les discussions diplomatiques. Vladimir Poutine a nommé comme nouveau négociateur un poids lourd : Boris Gryslov. L’ex ministre de l’intérieur puis speaker de la Douma mène les discussions directes avec le président ukrainien Petro Poroshenko.« Boris Gryslov ne passe par pour un fin diplomate. Il incarne la méthode forte. Avec lui, Moscou est à la recherche d’un accord », insiste Pavel Felgenhauer, expert politique et militaire indépendant.
 
« Poutine n’acceptera jamais que l’Ukraine entre dans l’Union européenne et l’Otan »
 
La crise économique en Russie a contraint le Kremlin à réviser ses dépenses, et donc ses objectifs à la baisse en Ukraine. Le soutien au séparatiste coûte cher, au moins un milliard d’euros en 2015 selon une enquête du quotidien allemand Bild, entre les pensions des retraités, le salaire des fonctionnaires et celui des combattants. « S’il adapte sa stratégie, Vladimir Poutine n’acceptera jamais que l’Ukraine entre dans l’Union européenne et l’Otan », avertit Pavel Felgenhauer.
 
De fait, les négociations sur la réalisation des accords de Minsk 2, qui se poursuivent chaque semaine dans la capitale Biélorusse, ne progressent guère. Le contrôle de la frontière entre la Russie et les régions ukrainiennes du Donbass reste au centre des discussions. L’Ukraine exige de pouvoir surveiller cette bande de terre par laquelle transitent les armes et les soldats russes, avant d’envisager des élections locales et d’officialiser le statut spécial pour le Donbass.
 
Un conflit gelé
 
La Russie, elle, défend un calendrier opposé. Lors de sa visite à Kiev, le 11 janvier, l’envoyé spécial Boris Gryzlov a conditionné le retour des forces ukrainiennes sur la frontière à la tenue d’élections dans le Donbass et l’octroi d’un statut spécial de la région. « Entre paix et guerre, note un diplomate étranger, la crise en Ukraine prend de plus en plus les allures d’un conflit gelé. » Un conflit qui continue de tuer : la semaine dernière, les Ukrainiens ont annoncé la mort d’un de leur soldat sur la ligne de front.

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pyxous

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Re: L'invasion Russe en Ukraine

Message  benoit77 le Ven 29 Jan - 18:36

Quelques articles :

Point de vue de l'Écrivain Andrei Kourkov :
http://apostrophe.com.ua/article/society/culture/2016-01-19/pisatel-andrey-kurkov-pochti-v-kajdom-ukraintse-sidit-malenkiy-yanukovich/2980

Point de vue de  Konstantin Borovoy, Homme politique russe :
http://apostrophe.com.ua/article/world/2016-01-24/v-rossii-radikalno-menyaetsya-otnoshenie-k-ideologii-kryimnash-konstantin-borovoy/3068


Point de vue de Yevgeny Chichvarkin, Homme d'affaires russe:
http://apostrophe.com.ua/news/world/ex-ussr/2016-01-29/rossiyskiy-biznesmen-posovetoval-putinu-na-tankah-zahvatit-shveytsariyu/48362

Point de vue d'Andrei Illarionov, l'ancien conseiller du président russe Vladimir Poutine,
version courte:
http://apostrophe.com.ua/news/politics/2016-01-29/byivshiy-sovetnik-putina-obyyasnil-pochemu-kremlyu-ne-nujna-novorossiya/48349
version longue:
http://apostrophe.com.ua/article/politics/2016-01-29/u-kremlya-byilo-tri-popyitki-zahvatit-kryim---eks-sovetnik-putina-andrey-illarionov/3063

Point de vue du documentariste russe Vitaly Mana
https://focus.ua/culture/344286/

Gros stock d'armement chez les terrorusses découvert par un drone de l'osce, les inspecteurs de l'osce se sont vu refuser l’accès à cette zone:
http://apostrophe.com.ua/news/society/accidents/2016-01-29/obse-rasskazala-o-tankah-boevikov-pod-donetskom-opublikovano-video/48367
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benoit77

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Re: L'invasion Russe en Ukraine

Message  Александр le Lun 1 Fév - 10:57

Les derniers rapport de l'OSCE:

29/01/2016 et 30/01/2016

Comme ils ont du stock, ils l'emploient:

ATO Positions Shelled With Minsk-Forbidden 120-mm Mortars

Pro-Russian militants continue violating the Minsk Agreements. Over the last 24 hours, they 36 times opened fire on the positions of Ukrainian soldiers. 
            
This was reported today, January 31, by the press center of the ATO Staff.

In Donetsk sector, pro-Russian terrorists fired on Ukrainian positions with grenade launchers and heavy machine guns.

At about 6 p.m. yesterday, positions of Ukrainian troops near Zaitseve were shelled with 82-mm and 120-mm mortars. Besides, 120-mm mortar was used to shell positions of the ATO forces in Maiorsk.

Near Triohizbenka, Luhansk sector, the enemy fired with automatic grenade launcher. Positions of Ukrainian soldiers near Stanytsya Luhanska were shelled with 120-mm mortar.

In Mariupol direction, the enemy fired with grenade launchers and small arms near Krasnohorivka and Novotroitske, as well as with antiaircraft mount near Shyrokyne.

As reported yesterday, militants used restricted weapon to shell Ukrainian positions near Zaitseve.

Checkpoints On Demarcation Line May Be Closed Due To Constant Militant Attacks

Pro-Russian militants continue firing not only on Ukrainian positions, but also on apartments of civilians and infrastructure objects. 
            
This was reported today, January 31, by the press center of the ATO Staff.

Using IFV and automatic heavy mounted grenade launchers, ‘DPR’ militants shelled the State Border Guard Service checkpoint Marinka at 9.10 p.m. on January 28. Besides, Ukrainian block post situated close to the Maiorsk checkpoint was shelled with mortars at 10.20 p.m. on January 30.

<iframe src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/eh9p7Weo-Gw" width="640" height="360" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>
As it was reported, ‘DPR’ members prepare similar provocations in Artemivsk direction.

“Taking into consideration the fact that the frequency of terrorist attacks of the checkpoints increases, as well as to prevent enemy provocations in future, the ATO commandment in Donetsk and Luhansk regions considers the temporary closure of the checkpoints”, the press center reported.

The ATO Staff emphasized that militants continue to produce fake news in an attempt to accuse Ukrainian Armed Forces of crimes committed by terrorists.

The ATO press service provided photos and video of consequences of shelling at Marinka checkpoint.
 

 

 

 


#gallery-54630-1-slideshow .slideshow-slide img { max-height: 410px; /* Emulate max-height in IE 6 */ _height: expres​sion(this.scrollHeight >= 410 ? '410px' : 'auto'); }
As reported today, ATO positions were shelled with Minsk-forbidden 120-mm mortars again.

Encore des français là où il ne faut pas:

La « tournée » des Français en RPD ou trois hommes dans un bateau, sans compter Poutine




La Russie a envoyé en « DNR » une « délégation internationale » française composée d’un défenseur des pédophiles, de son copain marocain et d’un ancien membre du FN.

Il y a quelques jours, les territoires occupés du Donbass ont été visités par trois touristes de Paris. Les chefs des enclaves ont pathétiquement nommé ceci une « visite internationale ». La propagande russe a présenté cette visite comme une percée du blocus informationnel exercé par l’Europe vis-à-vis des républiques autoproclamées. Selon les résultats de la visite, les participants et les organisateurs ont promis d’informer « un large public français » de ce qu’ils ont vu et entendu.



L’antenne française d’Ukrinform a fait quelques recherches pour savoir qui sont ces  Français, qui ont visité la partie occupée de l’Ukraine. Et les résultats de la recherche sont très intéressants!



UN retraité de la vie politique qui a trahi son père-héros pour les beaux yeux de Marine Le Pen




Le premier membre de la délégation est Jacques Clostermann, président de la formation politique marginale « Mon pays la France » et qui fait partie du « Front national » dirigé par Marine Le Pen. Un simple membre du Front national, ni membre de la direction, ni responsable de section ou du bureau régional, juste un membre.




Sa page Facebook (attention les yeux!) compte au total 62 « likes ». Sur cette page, tout comme sur le site officiel de sa formation, il re-partage les citations, les déclarations publiques et les déclarations dans les médias de ses associés. En particulier, il partage les déclarations de l’homme politique français et ami de Poutine, membre du parti « Les Républicains », le député Thierry Mariani, d’un autre membre du Front national, le député européen Ayméric Chauprade (celui qui, en tant que conseiller aux affaires internationales de Jean-Marie Le Pen, l’a présenté à l’oligarque russe Konstantin Malofeev, qui, d’ailleurs  financé le parti  par la suite et Malofeev a fait connaissance avec d’autres membres de la famille Le Pen). En France une affaire criminelle basée sur des soupçons de complicité dans un trafic de drogue a été ouverte contre Chauprade. Cette affaire retentissante porte le nom d’ « Air Cocaïne » . Clostermann re-poste aussi les déclarations de l’homme politique français Philippe de Villiers. Proche du parti russe « la Russie unie », il fait des affaires en Russie, dans l’immobilier de luxe et des investissements. Il a été le premier et le seul homme politique français à rencontrer Poutine à Sotchi en 2014. Après avoir visité la Crimée annexée, il a promis d’investir dans l’économie de la péninsule en y construisant un parc d’attractions (type Puy de Fou, NDLR).


 Jacques Clostermann est  fils de Pierre Clostermann, célèbre politicien, écrivain, entrepreneur et vétéran de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, pilote de chasse et allié du président français Charles de Gaulle.




Pendant la guerre, Pierre Clostermann est devenu « le premier pilote de chasse français ». Il a abattu 33 avions de l’ Allemagne nazie, a été décoré de plus  de 20 distinctions, dont la Légion d’Honneur. À la fin de la guerre, il est colonel à l’âge de 24 ans. Après la guerre, Pierre a rejoint le parti gaulliste (UDSR) et lors des élections qui suivent, a été élu au parlement. Jacques est l’un des trois fils de feu Pierre Clostermann. Il a suivi le chemin de son père et a travaillé longtemps comme pilote de ligne sur Air Inter. Il a participé en tant que candidat du Conseil national des indépendants aux élections législatives en 1993. Après avoir perdu à ces élections il a continué son travail comme pilote. Après la retraite il a décidé  de faire de la politique. Il a rassemblé autour de lui un cercle d’anciens militaires à la retraite d’archaïques gaulliste, il a adhéré au Rassemblement pour la République (RPR), le parti gaulliste. Plus tard, il quitte le parti pour former sa propre formation politique « Mon pays la France. » Il a soutenu la candidature de Marine Le Pen à la présidentielle en 2012.


Jacques Clostermann



En fait, Jacques Clostermann a trahi son père-héros non seulement parce que son père a toujours été un adversaire politique du Front National et de son leader Jean-Marie Le Pen. Et encore, parce que Jacques Clostermann a commencé à servir le régime fasciste russe alors que son père a combattu les nazis.



En même temps, le pilote et fils de pilote exécute une autre tâche ignoble : il « travaille » pour rembourser l’argent prêté par la Russie à son parti pour financer son activité. Nous savons bien que Marine Le Pen est la plus pro-russe des politiciennes européens et qu’elle a emprunter auprès des banques russes pour se présenter aux élections

Sur les comptes bancaires de son père, les enquêteurs ont découvert deux millions d’euros, dont il ne pouvait expliquer l’origine. L’enquête sur les deux cas, est toujours en cours, tant par les journalistes indépendants (« Mediapart ») que les organismes d’application de la loi de la France.



UN défenseur des pédophiles et des assassins défend maintenant la « DNR ».


Le deuxième membre de la « délégation » est Josy-Jean Bousquet, situé lui politiquement à l’extrême-gauche. Il reflète en quelque sorte la politique radicale du Parti national bolchévik jadis interdit, désormais appelé parti « L’Autre Russie » d’Edouard Limonov. Bousquet lui ressemble même visuellement.




Josy-Jean Bousquet



Son domaine  en tant qu’avocat, ce sont surtout des affaires criminelles. Il a défendu de véritables meurtriers, des violeurs et des pédophiles. Quelques affaires très médiatisées de plus de 15 dernières années  où il a assumé la défense des accusés :


L’affaire de l’abbé Maurel condamné le 1er mars 200 à 10 ans de réclusion criminelle pour deux des trois viols sur mineurs dont il était soupçonné.


L’affaire de Gaétan, meurtrier de 17 ans (il est interdit par les médias français de préciser le nom complet du suspect à la Cour), qui a brutalement assassiné Carla, une écolière de 13 ans.



Le nom de Bousquet est mentionné dans le cadre de plusieurs autres affaires de meurtre, viol et violence.



Il possède un bilan assez solide de défenseur dans des affaires pénales. La pratique juridique et l’expérience lui permettent de représenter les parties dans les affaires pénales avec de graves accusations.



Au début, il semblerait que la « DNR » intéresse Bousquet parce que représente l’image collective de son client: violeur, assassin, séparatiste. Cependant, l’avocat français a déclaré être en possession d’une « pile de témoignages, avis d’expert, vidéos, photos de soi-disantes atrocités des forces armées et des unités de volontaires ukrainiens », qu’il a promis d’étudier et d’utiliser au cours d’un procès.



Le dernier membre de la « délégation » est Hanen Maksud (déjà dans la base des données de Myrotvorets, ndlr) présenté comme avocat, mais on n’a pas trouvé ses références d’avocat dans les ressources françaises. Si comme disent les médias russes Maksud a la nationalité marocaine, la provenance européenne de cette  » délégation » est quelque peu exagérée.

CONCLUSION


Ce fut une performance très médiocre en termes d’une opération spéciale des dirigeants russes, malgré sa forte médiatisation sur l’Internet russe.

Les objectifs de la visite sont évidents : les russes veulent créer l’illusion que la communauté européenne soutient l’occupation de l’Ukraine, causer des dommages à la réputation des Forces armées de l’Ukraine.



Le président russe pour faire visiter les territoires envahis par son armée, a recours à des politiciens qui ne sont même pas du troisième rang. Je soupçonne qu’aucune personnalité respectable n’a été d’accord pour servir le Kremlin auprès des républiques fantoches. Seuls les confrères « peu signifiants » et considérablement plus âgés, des politiciens impliqués dans le trafic de drogue, à la charge de Poutine et des avocats des violeurs ont accepté de faire le voyage. C’était leur heure de gloire.



Ce phénomène est encourageant pour nous. Si la totalité du lobby de l’environnement culturel, tous les agents de l’influence russe sont des personnes de cet âge-là et d’une telle réputation, cela signifie que la France ne sera jamais caniche de la Russie!
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Re: L'invasion Russe en Ukraine

Message  Александр le Lun 1 Fév - 13:53

Qui a intérêt à ce que la Mission spéciale de surveillance de l’OSCE ne voit pas ce qui se passe dans les territoires occupés par les séparatistes

Kiev, le 29 janvier 2016 – La situation dans la région de Horlivka reste très instable.  La Mission de l’OSCE a constaté de nombreuses violations du régime du cessez-le-feu dans la banlieue nord-est de la ville. À titre d’exemple, le 20 janvier, les observateurs de la mission ont constaté en une heure 43 explosions indéterminées. La Mission continue à observer des violations de la trêve également près de Zaytseve, notamment l’utilisation de mortiers de calibre 82 et 120 mm, interdits par les Accords de Minsk.  «Nous avons aussi constaté une intensification des combats dans la région de l’aéroport de Donetsk», a déclaré Alexandre Hug, chef adjoint de la Mission spéciale de surveillance de l’OSCE, lors d’une conférence de presse à l’Ukraine Crisis Média Center.

L’OSCE constate aussi l’augmentation des affrontements dans le triangle Kominternove – Pavlopil- Oktyabre où la mission a observé plusieurs « incidents très inquiétants». Le 20 janvier notamment, la mission a constaté 25 explosions d’obus d’artillerie. «Nous observons la même situation près de Maryinka. C’est un territoire stratégiquement important. Nous savons que des snipers y sont actifs, nous savons que des armements lourds y reviennent et que les armes qui s’y trouvent déjà sont prêtes pour les combats. C’est là que les séparatistes ont ouvert le feu sur une voiture de l’OSCE. On ne veut pas que l’OSCE voit ce qui se passe là-bas»,  a souligné Alexandre Hug.

Près de la localité de Ternove, contrôlée par les séparatistes de Donetsk, les membres de l’OSCE ont observé 40 chars, 115 véhicules blindés de combat, 35 canons automoteurs d’artillerie et 50 camions militaires.

Alexandre Hug a également déclaré que la situation concernant la liberté de mouvement des observateurs de l’OSCE continue d’empirer. «Nous en informons constamment le Centre du contrôle et de la coordination. Leur réaction est insuffisante. Nous ne pouvons pas non plus contrôler totalement la situation près de la frontière.
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Re: L'invasion Russe en Ukraine

Message  Александр le Mar 2 Fév - 8:59

Ce n'est pas la première fois que je le vois:

Shkiryak: Zakharchenko and Plotnitsky will be Removed from Power in the Spring



The Ukrainian Advisor to the Minister of Internal Affairs, Zoryan Shkiryak, has written on his Facebook page that the leaders of the so-called Donetsk and Luhansk People's Republics, Alexander Zakharchenko and Igor Plotnitsky, will be removed from power by March or April.

"In March and April 'Zahar' and 'Ploty' will lose their power. The only question is how they will lose it. Meaning, will they voluntarily resign and escape to Russia with the loot, or will they be physically eliminated by the Russian Special Services. However, it's also possible that they have ordered the assassinations of each other. It's just a matter of time," the statement said.

According to him, the decision to replace "the leaders of Russian terrorist groups in Donbas" has already been made by the Kremlin. The search for successor candidates is currently underway. Among them are representatives of the former Yanukovych regime.

Shkiryak also notes that Zakharchenko and Plotnitsky have ordered each other's assassination.

"The intrigue within the ranks of the LPR and DPR keeps progressing. The war of extermination between them continues. Zakharchenko and Plotnitsky, after ordering each other's assassination, have surrounded themselves with security that even the President of Zimbabwe would envy. Now, each one of them is trying to convince Putin of his importance while attempting to place blame on the other. The former chicken salesman, Zakharchenko, is actively trying to discredit the former inspector of the regional Department of Consumer Affairs, Plotnitsky, and vice versa," Shkiryak said.
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Re: L'invasion Russe en Ukraine

Message  Александр le Mar 2 Fév - 9:47

Le rapport du jour de l'OSCE.

Tient tient tient:

Militants Reduced Number Of Attacks After Installation Of Video Cameras In Shyrokyne, – General Staff

Since the installation of towers with surveillance cameras in Shyrokyne (Donetsk region) by the OSCE, the number of militants' attacks in the area decreased. 
           
According to Ukrinform, the head of the General Staff’s press center Vladyslav Selezniov reported this.

“The Ukrainian side was interested in the installation of video cameras because their main purpose is to fix violations of the ceasefire, committed by the militants engaged in illegal armed formations. Since the installation of cameras, the number of attacks in the area of Shyrokyne reduced to a minimum”, – said Selezniov.

As previously reported, surveillance cameras were installed on the outskirts of Shyrokyne.

Militants Attacked Civilians And ATO Forces Positions 1200 Times Over January, – Poroshenko



Over the last month, Russian troops and pro-Russian militants carried out 1200 attacks on Ukrainian military and civilians in Donbas. 

           

According to Ukrinform, President of Ukraine Petro Poroshenko emphasized this at a press conference with the German Chancellor Angela Merkel in Berlin on Monday.



“Despite our efforts, Russia and its supporters do not observe the ceasefire. Their forces continue to bombard the Ukrainian military and civilians. Moreover, the number of attacks has increased since mid-November. Only in January, the number of attacks reached 1200, which is approximately 40 attacks per day. All of them were conducted by the Russian troops and pro-Russian militants”, – Poroshenko said.



President of Ukraine said that in a half year after the conclusion of the Minsk agreements, security situation in Donbas is terrible and complicated, which should be solved primarily.



He stressed that the meeting with the leader of Germany is symbolic as it confirms the highest priority of de-escalation and stabilization in Eastern Ukraine and non-regognition of the annexation of Crimea, which is among the major policy issues of Germany and the European Union today.



As previously reported, the militants carried out 53 attacks over the past day.


Comme dit, le président a rencontré Merkel:

Petro Poroshenko and Angela Merkel discuss ways to ensure the fulfillment of the Minsk agreements




In the course of the meeting with Federal Chancellor of Germany Angela Merkel, President of Ukraine Petro Poroshenko will underline the complexity of the security situation in Donbas and note the importance of further engagement of the international community for encouraging Russia to fulfill the Minsk agreements.

Before the beginning of the meeting, the President emphasized: “It is obvious that resolute and sequenced steps are needed to ensure the implementation of the Minsk agreements in their entirety. Moreover, it is not possible to secure implementation of the said agreements only through unilateral moves of Ukraine. Therefore, commitment and deliveries of Russia and Russia-backed militants are a must”.

According to the Head of State, only strict adherence to the Minsk agreements will create conducive conditions for taking difficult but necessary political decisions in the Ukrainian Parliament.


The President also noted that strong international engagement was needed to secure progress. “It is obvious that sanctions against Russia must stay in place till Russia and its proxies fully implement the Minsk agreements and Russia gets out of Donbas. Takes its troops, weapons and renews the border”.

“Sanctions were imposed on Russia in response to its aggression against Ukraine. As long as the aggression goes on, lifting sanctions would only mean encouraging the aggressor to further hostile actions,” Petro Poroshenko stressed.

In addition, the President will brief Chancellor Merkel on where we are on such an important track of stabilization in Ukraine as reforms, in particular as regards fighting against corruption and the constitutional amendments on the judiciary. “The first stage should be voted in the Ukrainian Parliament tomorrow. Fingers crossed, I think that it will be successful,” the Head of State informed.

In her turn, Chancellor Merkel noted that Germany and France kept making efforts to help secure the fulfillment of the Minsk agreements. “We keep moving in direction discussed with our partners earlier,” she said.


Angela Merkel noted: “Petro Poroshenko proved that Ukraine is firmly committed to the fulfillment of the Minsk agreements. We are hopeful that Russia will implement its obligations under the Minsk agreements. However, complete ceasefire is not achieved. Thus, we should keep working over it, for the peace is still not achieved”.

“We must agree on the guarantees of peace. We need a lasting ceasefire period. We also hope that the OSCE observers will have an access to all areas they want to monitor,” the Chancellor said.

Angela Merkel noted that sanctions against Russia had been continued as a result of the non-implementation of the Mink agreements. “We could have abolished sanctions if the Minsk agreements had been implemented in full,” the Chancellor emphasized.

Chancellor Merkel noted that Germany would keep supporting Ukraine in the issue of the Minsk agreements’ implementation.

President of Ukraine and Chancellor of Germany discussed further implementation of the Minsk agreements








President of Ukraine Petro Poroshenko held negotiations with Federal Chancellor of Germany Angela Merkel in Berlin.


The parties coordinated positions on the course of the Minsk agreements’ fulfillment.

The President emphasized the necessity of full ceasefire, restoration of Ukrainian control over the border, withdrawal of Russian troops and liberation of all hostages.

The negotiations were also joined by Special Envoy of the French President Jacques Audibert.

The parties agreed that the next meeting in the Normandy format at the level of Foreign Ministers will be held in Paris the following week.

In addition, Petro Poroshenko and Angela Merkel coordinated actions on establishing the visa-free regime for Ukrainians. The Chancellor agreed with the necessity of immediate adoption of the rest of the visa-free laws by the Ukrainian Parliament. Laughing
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Re: L'invasion Russe en Ukraine

Message  Caduce62 le Mar 2 Fév - 13:17

Dans la suite, le voeux (irréaliste) d'Angéla : 

AFP  02-02-2016 - 11:59
Ukraine: Merkel demande à Poutine de faire pression sur les séparatistes

La chancelière allemande Angela Merkel a demandé mardi dans un entretien téléphonique au président Vladimir Poutine d'user de son "influence" sur les séparatistes dans l'Est de l'Ukraine pour faire respecter les accords de Minsk et le cessez-le-feu.

"La chancelière a clairement dit au président Poutine que pour qu'il y ait d'autres progrès en vue d'une solution politique globale à la situation dans l'est de l'Ukraine, le cessez-le feu doit être respecté et les observateurs de l'OSCE doivent avoir accès sans restriction à tout le territoire du conflit", selon un communiqué de la chancellerie, relevant que Mme Merkel a jugé que "la Russie devait faire usage de son influence auprès des séparatistes".  Rolling Eyes
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